SOCIAL   ACTION  SERIES   I. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

MKW  YORK    •   BOSTON  •    CHICAGO  •   DALLAS 
ATLANTA  •    SAN   FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Limitkd 

LONDON  •    BOMBAY  •   CALCUTTA 
MKLBOUXNK 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA.  Lm 

TOKONTO 


THE  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 


PREPARED  AND  EDITED  FOR 

THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  SOCIAL  ACTION  OF  THE 

NATIONAL    CATHOLIC    WELFARE    COUNCIL 

BY 

JOHN  A.  RYAN,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

Professor  of  Moral  Theology  at  the  Catholic  University  of  America 

Author  of  "A  Liring  Wagre."  "Distributive  Justice," 

"Social  Reconstruction,"  etc.,  etc. 

AND 

JOSEPH  HUSSLEIN,  S.J.,  Ph.D. 

Associate  Editor  of  "America,"  Lecturer  on  Industrial  History 

at  Fordham  University 

Author  of  "The  World  Problem,"  "Democratic  Industry,"  etc.,  etc. 


Beto  gork 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

1920 

AU  right!  reserved 


JfUftt  matat 

ARTHURUS  J.  SCANLAN.  S.T.D.. 

Censor  Librorum. 

Smpximatar. 

PATRITIUS  J.  HAYES.  D.D., 

ArchiepisGopus  Neo-Eboraci. 


COPYEIGHT,  1920, 

,. :  ;  bt  the  macmillan  company 


Set  up.aijd  electrotyped.     Published,  October,  1920 


INTRODUCTION 
By  Rev.  John  A.  Ryax,  D.D. 

This  volume  is  the  first  of  a  series  which  will  endeavor  to 
present  adequately  and  authoritatively  the  Catholic  doctrine 
on  industrial,  social  and  political  institutions  and  relations. 
The  attitude  of  the  Church  toward  the  individual  and  the  sal- 
vation of  the  individual  soul  is  fairly  well  understood,  not 
only  by  Catholics  but  by  intelligent  non-Catholics.  What  is 
not  so  generally  realized  is  the  fact  that  the  Church  has  a 
comprehensive  and  definite  attitude  toward  group  life,  and  all 
the  great  forms  and  manifestations  of  group  organization.  At 
no  time  in  her  history  has  the  Church  overlooked  or  ignored  the 
fundamental  moral  fact  that  individuals  live  and  act  in  society, 
as  members  of  social  groups,  and  involved  in  a  great  variety  of 
social  relations;  therefore,  that  the  individual's  conduct  is  in  a 
large  measure  social.  As  a  member  of  the  existing  industrial 
organization,  the  individual  enters  into  one  set  of  relations  and 
performs  one  set  of  actions;  as  a  member  of  civil  society,  he 
enters  another  set  of  relations  and  performs  another  set  of 
actions ;  as  a  member  of  society  in  general,  the  great  society,  or 
the  unspecified  society,  he  has  other  relations  and  follows  an- 
other line  of  conduct. 

Precisely  because  the  supreme  object  of  the  Church  is  to 
teach  and  help  tlie  individual  to  save  his  soul,  she  interests 
herself  in  social  relations  and  the  various  forms  of  social  or- 
ganization. She  maintains  that  the  individual  saves  his  soul 
not  by  faith  alone  but  by  works  as  well,  by  conduct,  by  obedi- 
ence to  the  moral  law.  And  she  teaches  that  the  moral  law 
applies  to  every  one  of  man's  actions,  those  which  bring  him 
into  relation  with  his  neighbor,  as  well  as  those  which  affect 
only  himself;  those  which  arise  out  of  his  place  in  industry 
and  in  the  State,  as  well  as  those  which  he  performs  as  son, 
husband,  or  father. 

T 


vi  INTRODUCTIOii 

Therefore  the  Church  has  a  formal  and  definite  teaching  con- 
cerning the  great  social  organizations  which  affect  and  de- 
termine individual  conduct.  She  has  a  definite  teaching  con- 
cerning the  relations  into  which  men  enter  as  members  of 
these  societies. 

In  the  present  volume  her  attitude  and  teaching  are  set  forth 
in  relation  to  one  form  of  society,  the  industrial.  The  presen- 
tation does  not,  however,  take  in  all  the  religious  and  moral 
aspects  of  industrial  society.  The  book  is  entitled,  "  The 
Church  and  Labor,"  not,  "  The  Church  and  Industry,"  nor 
"  The  Church  and  Capital,"  nor,  "  The  Church  and  Agricul- 
tural Society."  On  each  of  these  subjects  a  volume  might  be 
published,  and  in  each  case  it  would  have  a  different  scope  from 
that  of  the  one  now  offered  to  the  public.  Nevertheless,  the 
labor  problem  is  so  intimately  connected  with  the  other  prob- 
lems and  aspects  of  industrial  society  that  the  latter  receive 
herein  considerable  attention  and  discussion. 

The  book  is  essentially  a  collection  of  documents,  issued  by 
Popes,  cardinals,  bishops,  and  lesser  authorities,  but  it  is  more 
than  a  simple  collection.  It  presents,  indeed,  all  the  authorita- 
tive Catholic  doctrine  on  the  subject  that  it  covers,  but  it  also 
enables  the  reader  to  trace  the  continuity  of  the  doctrine  and 
its  essential  unity.  To  the  student  of  industrial  thought  this 
is  almost  as  important  as  the  advantage  of  having  all  the  im- 
portant productions  assembled  between  the  covers  of  a  single 
volume. 

One  of  the  first  reflections  likely  to  occur  to  the  discriminat- 
ing reader  is  that  the  earliest  production  contained  in  the  volume 
was  written  considerably  less  than  a  century  ago.  ISreverth&- 
less  it  would  be  wrong  to  draw  therefrom  the  inference  that 
Frederic  Ozanam  was  the  first  prominent  Catholic  to  discuss 
the  labor  question.  In  the  thirteenth  century, —  to  go  no  fur- 
ther back  —  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  dealt  with  the  ethics  of  wages ; 
the  great  "writers  on  justice  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  cen- 
turies, for  example,  Lugo  and  Lessius,  treated  the  same  sub- 
ject with  considerable  particularity.  The  series  of  documents 
begins  with  the  works  of  Ozanam  and  Ketteler  because  these 
were  the  first  important  Catholic  authors  who  dealt  with  the 


INTKODUCTIOK  vii 

_  labor  question  in  its  modem  form.  WLen  we  think  of  labor, 
the  condition  of  labor,  or  the  laboring  class  today,  we  have  in 
mind  the  present  industrial  system.  We  are  concerned  with  the 
arrangement  in  which  commodities  are  produced  by  wage 
earners  under  the  direction  and  in  the  pay  of  another  indus- 
trial class  called  variously  employers,  capitalists,  entrepre- 
neurs. It  is  the  system  knov\Ti  as  capitalism.  Inasmuch  as 
this  system  originated  less  than  a  century  and  a  half  ago, 
it  is  not  surprising  that  the  first  important  discussions  of  its 
moral  and  religious  aspects  appeared  only  in  the  first  half  of 
the  nineteenth  century. 

A  still  more  significant  fact,  but  one  which  probably  will 
not  occur  to  the  majority  of  readers,  is  that  the  doctrines  of 
Ozanam  and  Ketteler  on  social  and  industrial  questions  were  at 
once  original  and  traditional.  They  were  original  in  the  sense 
that  they  had  not  been  enunciated  by  any  previous  Catholic 
authority.  Ozanam  and  Ketteler  had  before  them  no  papal 
encyclical  as  a  guide  and  inspiration.  The  moral  judgments 
that  they  uttered  on  contemporary  industrial  practices  and  on 
current  proposals  of  reform,  many  of  the  moral  principles 
that  they  enunciated  for  the  abolition  of  industrial  evils,  and 
most  of  the  economic  proposals  of  betterment  that  they  de- 
fended, had  never  been  expressed  by  a  Pope,  nor  indeed  by 
any  important  Catholic. 

On  the  other  hand,  their  teaching  contains  no  innovation  and 
is  in  complete  harmony  with  the  traditional  doctrines  of  the 
Fathers  and  the  theologians.  From  their  own  explicit  assur- 
ances we  should  know  this  to  be  the  case,  even  if  we  were  un- 
acquainted with  the  ancient  doctrines.  Bishop  Ketteler  in- 
sisted again  and  again  that  he  was  teaching  nothing  essentially 
new,  that  he  was  proposing  no  principle  that  he  had  not  de- 
rived from  the  patristic  and  medieval  authorities.  A  com- 
parison of  his  account  and  conception  of  the  traditional  prin- 
ciples with  the  discussion  of  the  same  principles  in  Cardinal 
Bourne's  pastoral,  will  show  that  the  two  historical  interpreta- 
tions are  in  complete  agreement.  A  striking  confirmation  of 
the  dependence  of  Ozanam  upon  tradition  is  seen  in  the  cir- 
cumstance that  his  utterances  on  social  and  labor  questions  oc- 


viii  INTRODUCTION 

cur  not  in  a  formal  treatise  in  this  field,  but  in  lectures  and  dis- 
cussions on  historical  subjects.  In  the  history  of  the  Church 
and  her  social  teachings,  he  found  the  basis  for  those  views 
to  which  he  gave  expression  on  the  social  question. 

The  explanation  of  this  apparent  contradiction,  the  recon- 
ciliation of  originality  with  traditionalism  in  the  social  doc- 
trines of  Ozanam  and  Ketteler,  is  very  simple.  In  Catholic 
tradition  they  found,  indeed,  no  specific  discussion  of  the 
capitalist  system  or  its  constituent  elements,  but  they  did  find 
therein  the  general  moral  principles  pertinent  to  all  forms 
of  industrial  organization.  Their  task  was  to  apply  these  to 
the  new  industrial  order.  The  principles  were  old  and  tra- 
ditional because  they  were  derived  from  the  Decalogue  and  the 
natural  law.  The  application  was  new  and  original  because 
the  system  of  industry  and  industrial  relations  had  been  in 
existence  for  only  half  a  century. 

Still  another  striking  fact  about  Ozanam  and  Ketteler  is 
that  their  social  teachings,  not  only  in  the  general  outlines  but 
in  most  of  the  specific  details,  are  in  complete  agreement  with 
the  pronouncements,  even  the  most  recent,  of  the  Popes,  cardi- 
nals and  bishops  who  came  after  them.  Their  writings  are 
the  connecting  link  between  the  social  principles  of  Catholic 
tradition  and  the  authoritative  and  explicit  Catholic  social 
teaching  of  the  present  day.  Ozanam  and  Ketteler  are  com- 
petent and  convincing  witnesses  to  the  continuity  of  Catholic 
social  principles.  They  bear  witness  that  Pope  Leo,  Pope 
Pius  and  Pope  Benedict,  and  the  bishops  of  France,  Ireland, 
Germany  and  the  United  States  invented  no  arbitrary  or  make- 
shift doctrines  to  fit  the  new  social  conditions.  No  such  ex- 
pedient was  necessary.  An  ample  supply  of  sound  and  effica- 
cious principles  was  found  in  the  ancient  treasury  of  the  Church. 

The  agreement  between  the  doctrines  and  the  reforms  ad- 
vocated by  Ozanam  and  Ketteler  and  those  set  forth  in  the 
encyclicals  of  Pope  Leo  XIIT,  is  truly  remarkable,  especially 
as  regards  specific  measures  of  industrial  betterment.  Ozanam 
emphasized  the  importance  of  the  social  question,  declared 
that  it  could  not  be  solved  by  mere  palliatives,  saw  clearly  the 


INTRODUCTION  ix 

evils  of  Socialism,  demanded  a  living  wage  for  all  workers  and 
something  more  where  the  labor  involved  nnusnal  risk,  hard- 
ship, or  other  special  circumstances,  and  favored  both  State 
inter\'ention  and  labor  unions  as  means  of  improving  the  con- 
dition of  the  working  classes.  Bishop  Ketteler  expounded  and 
defended  all  these  views  at  greater  length,  rejected  supply  and 
demand  as  a  determinant  of  justice;  demanded  security  of  a 
permanent  livelihood  for  the  worker;  favored  laws  providing  a 
shorter  work  day,  Sunday  rest  and  the  abolition  of  child  labor 
in  factories  under  fourteen  years  of  age ;  was  opposed  to  woman 
labor  in  factories ;  and  advocated  cooperative  associations  of 
workingmen  for  the  ownership  and  operation  of  productive 
enterprises.  These  he  regarded  as  the  most  important  ele- 
ment in  his  program  of  reforms,  and  he  insisted  that  they  were 
the  modern  embodiment  of  the  guild  idea,  and  the  natural  ap- 
plication of  the  traditional  Catholic  social  principles  to  modern 
industrial  conditions. 

When  we  read  Ketteler's  discussion  of  cooperative  produc- 
tion, written  more  than  half  a  century  ago,  and  then  reflect  that 
not  a  few  prominent  persons  of  today,  including  some  Catho- 
lics, denounce  the  whole  idea  of  cooperative  production  as 
"  Socialistic,"  and  even  as  '^  Bolshevistic," —  we  are  forcibly 
reminded  that  the  great  Bishop  of  ]\rayence  was  truly  a  pioneer, 
and  that  he  anticipated  many  of  the  proposals  and  projects  of 
indiistrial  betterment  that  are  still  contested  and  still  unreal- 
ized. Indeed,  his  program  of  social  and  political  reform  is 
still  regarded  as  "  advanced "  by  a  considerable  portion  of 
society.  And  yet  it  was  all  based  upon  traditional  Catholic 
principles  and  institutions. 

So  much  space  has  been  devoted  to  Ozanam  and  Ketteler, 
both  in  this  introduction  and  in  the  main  text  of  the  volume, 
chiefly  because  they  are  concrete  witnesses  to  the  continuity 
and  the  unity  of  Catholic  social  doctrine.  From  the  viewpoint 
of  oflScial  authority,  it  would  have  sufficed  to  begin  our  com- 
pilation with  the  pronouncements  of  Pope  Leo  XIII,  since  he 
was  sovereign  teacher,  and  since  we  know  that  he  would  have 
taught  nothing  that  was  out  of  harmony  with  the  doctrine  of 


X  INTRODUCTION 

his  predecessors.  Nevertheless,  it  is  very  helpful  and  satisfying 
to  trace  the  actual  connection  and  agreement  between  the  ancient 
and  the  modem  teaching. 

More  interesting  to  the  average  reader  than  the  historical 
continuity  of  Catholic  social  teaching  is  its  content.  What 
has  the  Church  to  say  today  concerning  our  industrial  system, 
and  especially  concerning  the  condition  and  aspirations  of 
labor?  The  volume  in  hand  is  the  answer  to  those  questions. 
It  contains  practically  every  document  of  present  importance 
issued  by  any  Pope  or  bishop  on  these  subjects  since  the  Indus- 
trial Eevolution. 

By  far  the  most  important  of  the  documents  is  Pope  Leo's 
encyclical  on  the  "  Condition  of  Labor."  While  his  two  suc- 
cessors have  supplemented  his  teaching  in  details,  and  have 
given  it  important  specific  applications  to  particular  condi- 
tions and  problems,  they  have  added  nothing  essential.  To 
this  fact  both  of  them  have  given  explicit  testimony.  The 
various  bishops  and  groups  of  bishops  whose  pronouncements 
are  contained  in  the  volume,  have  likewise  acknowledged  and 
maintained  that  they  have  followed  the  lead  of  this  great  ency- 
clical, and  have  sought  to  interpret  and  apply  it  in  the  cir- 
cumstances of  their  several  conditions  and  countries. 

The  encyclical  is  not  merely  a  code  of  moral  principles  appli- 
cable to  industrial  conditions  and  relations.  It  is  at  once  a 
description  of  industrial  evils,  a  condemnation  of  the  spurious 
remedies  proposed  by  Socialism,  a  statement  of  the  leading 
moral  and  religious  principles  that  underlie  all  sound  economic 
life,  and  a  proposal  of  concrete  measures  of  social  reform. 

Three  general  propositions  found  in  the  encyclical  constitute 
the  main  reason  why  it  was  written.  First  is  the  statement 
concerning  the  evils  of  the  present  industrial  system.  Very  few 
summary  indictments  of  these  evils  have  been  more  severe  than 
the  words  of  Pope  Leo :  "  a  small  number  of  very  rich  men  have 
been  able  to  lay  upon  the  teeming  masses  of  the  laboring  poor  a 
yoke  that  is  little  better  than  slavery."  The  second  proposition 
sums  up  the  Pope's  condemnation  of  Socialism  as  a  remedy  for 
the  evils :  "  it  only  injures  those  whom  it  would  seem  meant 
to  benefit,  is  directly  contrary  to  the  natural  rights  of  mankind, 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

and  would  introduce  confusion  and  disorder  into  the  common- 
wealth." The  third  general  statement  indicates  the  one  indis- 
pensable remedial  agency :  "  no  practical  solution  of  this  ques- 
tion will  be  found  apart  from  the  intervention  of  religion  and 
the  Church." 

Considered  as  a  formal  justification  of  the  encyclical,  this  is 
the  most  important  of  the  three*  declarations.  It  is  likewise 
the  justification  of  every  other  pronouncement  on  the  industrial 
problem  by  Pope,  bishop  or  priest.  Precisely  because  the  indus- 
trial relations  and  industrial  systems  involve  moral  problems  and 
have  moral  aspects,  the  Church  enters  this  field,  and  lays  down 
formal  and  authoritative  doctrine.  If  the  relations  between 
capital  and  labor,  and  between  producer  and  consumer,  and  all 
the  other  conditions  of  industry  were  merely  economic  in  their 
nature  and  implications,  they  would  be  outside  the  province 
of  churchmen.  Indeed,  it  was  largely  because  the  leaders  of 
thought  and  of  affairs,  economists,  politicians  and  business 
men,  denied  or  ignored  the  moral  aspects  of  industrial  rela- 
tions for  more  than  half  a  century  following  the  Industrial 
Pevolution,  that  modern  capitalism  has  produced  so  much 
misery,  oppression  and  revolutionary  discontent.  In  the 
words  of  C-ardinal  Bourne's  Pastoral  Letter,  "  all  thought  of 
the  rights  of  each  individual  soul  or  of  the  community  as  a 
whole  were  obliterated,  and  men  felt  no  qualms  about  the  prac- 
tical enslavement  and  degrading  impoverishment  of  multitudes 
in  order  that  a  few  might  possess  and  command  the  resources 
of  almost  unrestricted  wealth." 

Pope  Leo  and  every  other  churchman  whose  utterances  ap- 
pear in  this  volume,  proceed  from  the  principle  that  industrial 
actions  and  relations  are  quite  as  definitely  within  the  field 
of  responsible  conduct  and  quite  as  definitely  governed  by  the 
moral  law  as  any  other  kind  of  human  activity.  Hence  all 
these  writers  apply  the  principles  and  precepts  of  the  moral 
law  to  the  conditions  of  industry,  pass  moral  judgments  upon 
reform  proposals,  and  even  recommend  practical  measures  of 
betterment.  In  following  this  course  they  maintain  that  they 
are  fulfilling  their  proper  and  divinely  ordained  mission,  which 
is  to  teach  men  not  only  what  to  believe  but  how  to  live.     And 


xii  INTRODUCTION 

economic  activities  make  up  a  very  large  part  of  life.  There- 
fore, the  official  teachers  of  the  Catholic  Church  repudiate 
utterly  the  theory  of  the  autocratic  and  anarchical  captain  of 
-  industry,  that  the  Church  "  has  nothing  to  do  v^^ith  business." 
'  It  has  everything  to  do  with  business,  insofar  as  business  in- 
volves questions  of  right  and  wrong,  of  justice  and  injustice. 
Turning  now  from  the  fundamental  reasons  of  the  interven- 
tion of  the  Church  in  the  labor  question,  let  us  examine 
briefly  the  content  of  its  teaching  as  exhibited  in  the  docu- 
ments composing  this  volume.  In  this  exercise  it  will  be  con- 
venient and  sufficient  to  confine  ourselves  in  the  main  to  the 
encyclical  "  On  the  Condition  of  Labor."  "  The  first  and 
most  fundamental  principle,"  says  Pope  Leo,  "  must  be  the 
inviolability  of  private  property."  Again  and  again  the  im- 
portance of  private  property  is  stressed  in  the  encyclical.  It 
is  likewise  emphasized  in  the  great  majority  of  the  other  papers 
in  the  book.  The  utility  and  necessity  of  private  property 
are  set  forth  not  merely  as  propositions  having  the  sanction 
of  economic  experience,  but  as  implications  of  the  moral  law\ 
The  institution  of  private  ownership  is  declared  to  be  so  vitally 
bound  up  with  right  human  life  that  to  abolish  it  would  be 
a  violation  of  human  rights.  To  destroy  this  institution  would 
be  to  impair  fundamentally  men's  capacity  for  right  living. 
Therefore  it  would  be  an  act  of  gross  immorality.  Hence  the 
clear  and  uncompromising  condemnation  of  Socialism. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  right  of  private  ownership  is  not 
defended  in  these  documents  as  an  unlimited  monstrosity.  It 
is  sharply  restricted  by  the  rights  of  the  neighbor  and  the  com- 
munity. The  stewardship  of  wealth  is  asserted,  not  as  a  high 
sounding  phrase,  but  as  a  clear  cut  principle.  The  primary 
right  of  property  is  not  that  of  private  ownership  at  all,  but 
that  of  use.  And  this  right  is  natural,  inherent,  congenital 
in  every  human  being  that  is  born  into  this  world.  Whenever 
the  individual  right  of  ownership  comes  into  conflict  with  this 
common  right  of  use,  the  former,  not  the  latter,  must  take  second 
place.  In  this  connection  we  recall  the  statement  of  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas,  that  goods  should  be  privately  owned,  but  subject 
alwavs  to  community  of  use. 


i:n'troduction  xUi 

Doubtless  the  duties  of  ownership  with  respect  to  the  claima 
of  common  use  differ  in  different  circumstances.  Sometimes 
thej  merely  require  the  o^vne^  to  distribute  his  surplus  in 
charity.  In  other  circumstances  the  stewardship  of  wealth 
means  that  the  owners  of  capital  are  obliged  to  put  it  at  the 
disposal  of  the  commimity  on  reasonable  terms,  and  that  they 
should  not  exact  extortionate  interest  or  profits  for  this  service. 
For  many  centuries  the  Church  prohibited  interest  on  loans, 
and  fostered  the  doctrine  that  labor  and  risk  were  the  only  law- 
ful titles  of  gain.  It  is  quite  probable  that  Pope  Leo  had  in 
mind  the  excessive  gains  of  monopolists,  stock  inflationists,  and 
profiteers  generally,  when  he  condemned  in  the  encyclical  that 
we  are  now  considering  "  rapacious  usury  w^hich,  although 
more  than  once  condemned  by  the  Church,  is  nevertheless  under 
a  different  guise  but  with  the  like  injustice,  still  practiced  by 
covetous  and  grasping  men." 

The  reader  will  turn  the  pages  of  the  present  volume  in 
vain  to  find  any  justification  for  the  perverted  modern  notion 
of  property,  that  a  man  may  do  what  he  likes  with  his  own. 

In  another  very  important  respect  the  teaching  on  property 
by  the  authorities  represented  in  this  volume  differs  from  that 
which  is  now  held  by  many  of  our  captains  of  industry.  The 
latter  think  of  private  ownership  as  existing  mainly  for  the  few, 
as  an  institution  that  can  function  properly,  even  though  it 
is  not  shared  in  by  the  great  majority.  This  is  not  the  view 
of  Pope  Leo,  nor  of  the  other  Catholic  authorities.  According 
to  the  former,  the  State  ought  to  make  the  owners  of  property 
as  numerous  as  possible.  In  more  than  one  place  in  the  en- 
cyclical that  we  are  considering,  he  points  out  the  utility  oi 
private  property  for  all,  including  the  humbler  classes.  When 
cooperative  ownership  of  the  tools  of  production  is  recommended 
by  Bishop  Ketteler,  by  the  four  American  Bishops  in  their 
"  Program  of  Social  Peconstruction,"  and  by  Father  Husslein 
in  his  "  Catholic  Social  Platform,"  we  see  merely  the  traditional 
Catholic  conception  of  ownership  stated  and  applied  in  modem 
terms  to  modern  conditions.  Neither  in  the  writings  of  Pope 
Leo  nor  in  the  utterances  of  any  other  Catholic  authority  will 
be  found  a  single  sentence  to  support  the  detestable  notion  that 


xiv  INTRODUCTION 

the  institution  of  private  ownership  should  be  entrusted  ex- 
clusively to  the  guardianship  of  a  few  super  men. 

Another  fundamental  doctrine  in  these  documents  declares 
the  right  of  the  wage  earner  to  decent  conditions  of  life  and 
labor.  He  is  to  be  treated  always  as  a  person,  never  as  a  mere 
instrument  of  production.  Because  he  is  a  person  he  has  cer- 
tain rights,  natural  rights,  God-given  rights,  which  may  not  be 
ignored  by  those  who  control  either  industry  or  the  State. 
Among  them  is  the  right  to  such  conditions  and  terms  of  em- 
plo_)Tnent  as  will  provide  and  safeguard  a  reasonable  and 
humane  kind  of  life.  Hence  we  see  Pope  Leo  demanding  that 
V  the  laborer's  spiritual  welfare  be  protected,  that  he  be  permitted 
rest  from  toil  on  Sundays  and  holydays,  that  he  have  "  leisure 
and  rest  in  proportion  to  the  wear  and  tear  of  his  strength,"  and 
that  the  length  of  the  working  day  be  proportioned  to  the 
nature  of  the  work  and  the  capacity  of  the  worker.  Women 
should  not  be  employed  in  occupations  that  are  unsuited  to  their 
sex,  and  children  should  not  be  placed  "  in  workshops  and 
factories  until  their  bodies  and  minds  are  sufficiently  de- 
veloped." 

In  the  matter  of  wages  the  doctrine  of  these  documents  is 
particularly  humane,  distinctive  and  definite.  "  There  is,"  says 
Pope  Leo,  "  a  dictate  of  nature  more  ancient  and  more  im- 
perious than  any  bargain  between  man  and  man,  namely,  that 
remuneration  ought  to  be  sufficient  to  maintain  the  wage  earner 
in  reasonable  and  frugal  comfort.  If  through  necessity  or 
fear  of  a  worse  evil  the  workman  accepts  harder  conditions  be- 
cause an  employer  or  contractor  will  offer  him  no  better,  he  is 
made  the  victim  of  force  and  injustice." 

This  is  the  famous  principle  of  the  living  wage,  which  is 
now  almost  universally  accepted.  When  Pope  Leo  enunciated  it 
more  than  twenty-nine  years  ago,  it  was  looked  upon  by  men 
of  affairs  as  impertinent  and  Utopian. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  moral  duty  of  the  laborer  to  give  a 
fair  day's  work  in  return  for  a  fair  day's  pay,  is  strongly  in- 
sisted upon  in  most  of  the  documents,  as  also  is  the  obligation 
to  refrain  from  violence  during  industrial  disputes,  and  to 
respect  the  rights  of  property  in  all  circumstances. 


INTRODUCTION  XV 

Another   fundamental   principle   which    is   enunciated   and 
applied  again  and  again  in  these  documents  defines  the  indus-     V 
trial  functions  of  the  State.     It  is  thus  formulated  by  Pope 
Leo :  "  Whenever  the  general  interest  or  any  particular  class 
suffers  or  is  threatened  with  mischief  which  can  in  no  other 
way  be  met  or  prevented,  the  public  authority  must  step  in  and 
deal  with  it."     This  is  a  far  cry  from  the  doctrine  of  non- 
intervention, and  from  the  shallow  theory  which  opposes  "  class 
legislation."     This  principle  justifies  and  authorizes  the  legal   j 
minimum  wage,  social  insurance,  public  housing  of  the  work- 
ing classes,  prevention  and  control  of  monopolies,  and  all  the  -j 
other  reforms  defended  in  the  American  Bishops'  "  Social  Re- 
construction Program "   and   in  Father  Husslein's  "  Catholic 
Social  Platform."     It  is  a  complete  refutation  of  the  calumny 
that  the  Catholic  Church  has  no  faith  in  State  intervention. 

The  right  of  labor  to  organize  could  hardly  be  more  ex- 
plicitly affirmed  than  it  is  in  the  encyclicals  of  Pope  Leo  and  in 
many  of  the  other  documents.  Pope  Leo  declares  that  "  work- 
ingmen's  associations  should  be  so  organized  and  governed  as 
to  furnish  the  best  and  most  suitable  means  for  attaining  what 
is  aimed  at,  that  is  to  say,  for  helping  each  individual  member 
to  better  his  condition  to  the  utmost  in  body,  mind  and  prop- 
erty." The  Pastoral  Letter  of  the  American  Hierarchy  af- 
firms "  the  right  of  the  workers  to  form  and  maintain  the  kind 
of  organization  that  is  necessary  and  that  will  be  most  effectual 
in  securing  their  welfare." 

The  moral  aspect  of  industrial  relations,  the  necessity  and 
limitations  of  private  property,  the  indestnictible  right  of  labor 
to  the  means  and  conditions  of  decent  living,  the  duty  of  the 
State  to  remove  industrial  evils  that  can  be  abolished  in  no 
other  way,  and  the  right  of  labor  to  organize, — may  be  re- 
garded as  the  main  propositions  expounded  and  defended  in 
these  papers  and  documents.  Naturally  they  are  not  set  forth 
with  equal  emphasis  in  all ;  for  special  circumstances  of  author- 
ship, country  and  occasion  have  caused  special  stress  to  be  laid 
here  on  one  doctrine,  there  on  another.  ^loreover,  the  teaching 
of  the  documents  is  in  full  harmony  with  the  traditional  prin- 
ciples of  Catholic  doctrine  from  the  beginning.     It  is  not  too 


xvi  INTRODUCTION^ 

much  to  say  that  the  spirit  and  trend  of  the  documents  is  also 
in  accord  with  the  aspirations  of  all  those  persons  of  our  time 
who  long  for  a  saner  and  juster  industrial  order.  If  these 
men,  to  quote  Cardinal  Bourne,  "  take  their  stand  upon  the 
dignity  of  man,  whether  rich  or  poor,  we  can  show  them  how 
every  human  being,  created  by  Grod  and  redeemed  by  Christ, 
has  a  much  greater  dignity  than  they  had  dreamt  of.  If  they 
claim  for  every  human  being  a  right  to  a  share  in  the  fruits 
of  the  earth,  a  right  to  live  a  life  worthy  of  man,  we  endorse 
that  claim  with  divine  sanction.  If  they  protest  against  in- 
dustrial insecurity  and  the  concentration  of  capital  in  a  few 
hands,  we  point  out  how  they  are  suffering  from  the  blow  aimed 
at  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  16th  century.  If  they  have  had 
a  hard  fight  to  establish  the  right  of  association  in  Trades 
Unions,  it  was  because  the  Catholic  voice  had  been  silenced  in 
the  land." 

There  is  one  very  important  proposal  of  reform  which  ap- 
pears in  the  writings  of  Bishop  Ketteler,  in  the  "  Program  of 
Social  Reconstruction  "  of  the  four  American  Bishops,  and  in 
the  papers  by  the  Editors,  which  receives  little  or  no  specific  men- 
tion in  any  of  the  other  documents.  It  is  the  individual  owner- 
ship, at  least  partial,  of  the  means  of  production  by  the  workers. 
In  practice  this  project  could  be  realized  either  by  the  workers' 
participation  in  ownership  of  the  stock  of  corporations,  al- 
though holding  only  a  minority  of  the  shares,  or  by  complete 
cooperative  ownership  and  management  of  industrial  concerns. 
However,  the  reader  who  will  study  carefully  the  statements  in 
the  encyclical,  "  On  the  Condition  of  Labor,"  concerning  the 
benefits  of  widely  diffused  private  ownership,  cannot  escape  the 
conclusion  that  Pope  Leo  would  have  regarded  copartnership 
and  cooperation  as  the  best  practical  application  and  realization 
of  this  policy.  Considered  as  a  fundamental  and  consistent 
industrial  system,  C(X)perative  ownership  has  a  greater  claim 
to  the  title  of  Catholic  than  any  other.  For  the  system  that 
developed  and  that  seemed  destined  to  prevail  in  the  day^ 
when  Catholic  principles  and  the  social  influences  of  the  Church 
were  at  their  zenith,  in  the  later  Middle  Ages,  was  that  in 
which  the  masses  of  the  workers  both  in  town  and  country 


INTRODUCTION  xvii 

owned  and  managed  the  tools  and  the  land.  It  is  no  longer 
possible  for  the  majority  of  urban  workers  to  become  inde- 
pendent owners  of  separate  industrial  establishments.  But  they 
can  exercise  individual  ownership  and  management  through 
cooperation.  It  is  such  a  system,  and  not  either  Socialism  or 
present-day  capitalism,  that  is  in  harmony  with  Catholic  tra- 
ditions and  Catholic  social  principles. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Introduction  by  Kev.  John  A,  Kyan,  D.D .      v 


I.    THE  TWO  GKEAT  PRECUESOES  OF  MODERN 
CHRISTIAN  DEMOCRACY 

By  Rev.  Joseph  Husslein,  S.J.,  Ph.D. 

1.  The  Apostolate  of  Socal  Action 1 

2.  Frederic  Ozanam  on  the  Labor  Question 9 

a.  Liberalism  and  Socialism 9 

b.  Labor  and  Wages 14 

c.  Employers  and  Employed .  18 

3.  William  Emmanuel  von  Ketteler 24 

a.  The  Friend  of  the  People 24 

b.  The  Question  of  Property  Rights 27 

c.  Cooperative  Production 34 

d.  Ketteler's  Labor  Program 39 

IL    THREE  SOVEREIGN  PONTIFFS 

Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII  on  the  Condition  of  Labor    .  57  ^ 

2.  Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII  on  Christlvn  Democracy  .     .  95 

3.  Apostolic  Letter  of  Pope  Pius  X  to  the  Bishops  of  Italy  on 

Catholic  Social  Action 110 

4.  Extracts  from  the  Letter  of  Pope  Pius  X  Condemning 

Le  Sillon 118 

6.    Encyclical  Letter  of  Pope  Pius  X  to  the  Bishops  of 

Germany  on  Trade  Unions 122 

6.  Letter  of  Pope  Benedict  XV  to  the  Hierarchy  of  France  133 

7.  Letter  of  Pope  Benedict  XV  to  M.  Eugene  Duthoit    .     .  135 

8.  Letter  of  Pope  Benedict  XV  to  the  Bishop  of  Bergamo  .  138 


v4 


CONTENTS 
III.    FOUR  CAEDINALS 

PAGE 

Memorial  Presented  to  the  Holy  See  on  the  Knights  of 
Labor 145 

By  His  Eminence,  James  Cardinal  Gibbons 

Eeview  of  Pope  Leo's  Encyclical  on  the  Condition  of  Labor  159 

By  His  Eminence,  Henry  Edward  Cardinal  Manning 

3.  Pastoral  Letter  on  the  Laborer's  Rights 177 

By  His  Eminence,  William  Cardinal  O'Connell 

4.  Pastoral  Letter  on  Catholics  and  Social  Reform     .     .     .187 

By  His  Eminence,  Francis  Cardinal  Bourne 

IV.    THE  BISHOPS  OF  FOUR  COUNTRIES 

1.  Pastoral  Letter  of  the  Bishops  of  Ireland  on  the  L.\bor 

Question 207 

2.  The  Social  Reconstruction  Program  Issued  by  the  Four 

American  Bishops  Constituting  the  Administrative  Com- 
mittee OF  THE  National  Catholic  War  Council      .     .     .  220 

3.  Extract   from   the   Pastoral   Letter   of   the   Bishops   of 

France  on  Conditions  After  the  War 240 

4.  Declar.\tion   of   the   American   Hierarchy   on   Industrial 

Relations  in  Their  Pastoral  Letter 242 

5.  Pastoral  Letter  of  the  German  Bishops  on  Socl^lism  .     .  249 

V.    PAPERS  BY  THE  EDITORS 

1.  A  Ln^iNG  Wage 259 

By  Rev.  John  A.  Ryan,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

2.  The  Reconciliation  of  Capital  and  Labor 272 

By  Rev.  John  A.  Ryan,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

3.  A  Catholic  Socl\l  Platform 291 

By  Rev.  Joseph  Husslein,  S.J.,  Ph.D. 


I.     THE  TWO  GREAT  PEECURSORS  OF  MODERN 
CHRISTIAN  DEMOCRACY 

By  Rev.  Joseph  Husslein,  S.J.,  Ph.D. 


CHURCH  AND  LABOR 


1.     THE  APOSTOLATE  OF  SOCIAL  ACTION 

The  ideal  of  Christian  Democracy  is  old  as  the  Church.  It 
existed  in  the  days  of  the  Apostles,  and  flowered  into  mighty 
institutions  over  all  the  earth,  in  the  gildhood  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  Its  two  great  precursors,  in  our  modern  Catholic  social 
movement,  were  Erederic  Ozanam  and  Bishop  von  Ketteler. 

Lawman  and  ecclesiastic,  these  two  men  represent  the  com- 
bined leadership  required  within  the  Church  to-day,  when  all 
the  forces  of  Christianity  must  be  mobilized  for  effective  action. 
Social  work  was  for  them  more  than  the  practical  solution  of  a 
mere  material  problem.  It  was  a  sacred  and  religious  obliga- 
tion. Lifted  far  above  the  realm  of  pure  philanthropy  and 
economics,  their  lives  were  dedicated  and  consecrated  to  the 
task  of  restoring  justice  and  charity  to  the  earth.  More  even 
than  all  this,  they  looked  upon  the  work  they  had  undertaken 
as  the  first  and  indispensable  condition  for  winning  back  to 
Christianity  the  modem  civilized  world.  Yet  this  did  not 
lessen,  but  only  heightened  their  interest  in  the  concrete  prob- 
lems of  poverty,  wages  and  labor. 

They  were  prophets  in  Israel,  clcar-visioned,  far-sighted  men, 
who  came  with  a  message  for  their  generation,  a  message 
equally  imperative  for  us  to-day.  '^  Back  to  the  masses !  "  was 
the  cry  with  which  Ozanam  startled  his  age.  "  My  lot  is  cast 
with  the  people !  "  was  the  exclamation  with  which  the  social 
mission  of  the  nobly  born  and  titled  Ketteler  began.  They  were 
but  working  out  in  their  o\mi  lives  the  example  of  Christ,  who 
though  He  came  to  bring  salvation  to  all,  rich  and  poor  alike,  yet 
cast  His  own  lot  with  the  laboring  classes.  His  doctrine  and 
example  were  the  social  leaven  that  quietly  transformed  society, 
and  as  surely  can  transform  it  again  in  our  day.  It  was  there- 
fore with  a  thrill  of  eager  enthusiasm  that  Ketteler  threw  him- 

1 


3..,.^.,,,     ,    ;      CHUECH  AXD  LABOR 

self  into  this  work  when  at  the  First  Catholic   Congress  of 
Germany  in  1848,  he  made  this  bold  declaration: 

Allow  me  to  suggest  a  task  for  the  immediate  future,  the  task  of 
religion  in  regard  to  social  conditions.  The  most  difficult  question, 
which  no  legislation,  no  form  of  government  has  been  able  to  solve,  is 
the  social  question.  The  difficulty,  the  vastness,  the  urgency  of  this 
question  fill  nie  with  the  greatest  joy.  It  is  not  indeed  the  distress, 
the  wretchedness  of  my  brothers  —  with  whose  condition,  God  knows, 
I  sympathize  with  all  my  heart  —  that  affords  me  this  joy,  but  the 
fact  that  it  must  now  become  evident  which  Church  bears  within  it 
the  power  of  Divine  truth. 

The  masses  of  the  people,  both  Ozanam  and  Ketteler  insisted, 
will  judge  the  Church  by  the  external  works  accomplished  by 
her  members.  They  will  test  the  truth  of  our  Faith  by  the 
sincere  fulfilment  of  our  duties  towards  our  fellowmen.  This 
truth  every  great  Catholic  social  worker  has  understood.  Thus, 
for  instance,  it  was  grasped  at  once  by  the  keen  mind  of  Count 
Albert  de  Mun  in  his  very  first  close  contact  with  the  Cercle 
Montpamasse^  the  Catholic  workingmen's  club  of  Paris,  and 
under  his  inspiration  it  forthwith  issued  its  memorable  "  Ap- 
peal to  Men  of  Good  Will,"  on  December  23,  1871 : 

Shall  we  leave  these  children  —  for  the  people  are  a  child,  sublime 
or  egotistic  —  shall  we  leave  these  workmen,  flattered  in  their  pas- 
sion or  their  pride,  to  complete  the  ruin  of  France  and  the  world  ? 
Or  drawing  invincible  strength  from  the  Heart  of  Jesus,  the  Work- 
ingman,  and  calling  to  mind  the  glories  of  France  and  her  title  to 
Eldest  Daughter  of  the  Church,  shall  we  make  a  last  effort  to  save 
the  people  and  to  assert  the  reign  of  God  in  regenerated  workshops 
and  factories. 

That  is  the  question.  It  is  no  time  for  talking.  We  must  act.  To 
subversive  doctrines,  to  disastrous  teaching,  we  must  oppose  the  holy 
lessons  of  the  Gospel;  to  materialism,  the  notion  of  sacrifice;  to  cos- 
mopolitanism, the  idea  of  patriotism. 

We  appeal  to  all  hearts  of  good  will.  The  sons  of  darkness  are  form- 
ing associations,  we  too  must  form  them.  They  found  revolutionary 
clubs,  we  must  found  Catholic  clubs.  It  will  cost  a  hundred  thousand 
francs,  five  hundred  thousand,  a  million.  No  matter!  Did  it  not  cost 
more  to  recapture  Paris  from  the  Commune? 

Though  in  this  last  mentioned  event  Albert  de  Mun  had  been 
forced  into  the  field  that  civic  order  might  again  bo  restored  in 
France;  though  his  heart  had  bled  at  the  fearful  sights  he 


THE  i\POSTOLATE  OF  SOCIAL  ACTION  3 

witnessed :  "  the  fratricidal  slaughter,  the  wild  outbursts  of 
hatred  against  authority  and  religion,  the  massacer  of  priests 
and  hostages,  the  profaned  churches  and  crosses,"  as  a  writer 
in  the  Irish  Rosary  describes  them,  yet  his  soul  was  filled  with 
nothing  but  pity :  "  Society  is  dying  of  irreligion.  The  rich 
are  utterly  selfish.  The  poor  are  filled  with  hate.  Is  it  the 
fault  of  the  poor  ?  " 

De  Mun  had  gone  at  once  to  the  core  of  the  entire  problem. 
There  can  be  no  hope  for  society  except  through  a  renewal  of 
religion.  But  the  religion  that  we,  in  our  own  persons,  rep- 
resent to  the  world  must  be  active,  alert  and  keen  to  see  the 
economic  as  well  as  the  moral  evils  of  our  day;  for  both  have 
their  root,  so  far  indeed  as  men  are  at  fault,  in  the  great 
defection  of  the  modem  world  from  Christ  and  His  Gospel. 
We  must  do  more ;  we  must  bring  the  remedy.  Charity  alone 
is  not  sufficient.  Social  justice  too  must  be  restored  by  us  with 
fearless  impartiality. 

Ozanam  placed  the  greater  stress  upon  charity  as  the  means 
of  restoring  justice;  Bishop  Ketteler  more  directly  sought  for 
social  justice,  with  charity  as  a  supreme  motive.  Both  equally 
insisted  upon  the  necessity  of  these  two  great  virtues  which  must 
be  the  foundation  of  every  Christian  social  order.  Both  saw 
in  the  fidelity  with  which  Catholics  will  fulfill  the  obligations 
which  these  virtues  impose  upon  them  one  of  the  most  convinc- 
ing arguments  for  our  Faith,  an  argument,  moreover,  which 
the  world  imperatively  demands  of  us.  It  will  be  instructive  to 
study  how  each  conceived  of  this  same  idea  and  made  of  it  a 
new  apostolate,  a  lever  wherewith  to  move  the  world. 

We  are  concerned  in  this  volume  with  the  labor  question 
alone.  Our  consideration  of  Ozanam  must  therefore  be  from 
this  point  of  view  exclusively.  But  the  motive  that  urged  him 
to  take  so  keen  an  interest  in  the  industrial  question  was  the 
same  that  propelled  him  to  undertake  the  great  works  of  charity 
for  which  he  is  most  generally  known  to-day. 

Why  Ozanam,  who  was  above  all  things  a  student,  a  man  of 
books,  a  historian  living  in  the  past,  a  lover  of  scholarly  quiet 
and  seclusion,  should  have  founded  a  society  whose  activities 
were,  to  all  appearances,  almost  completely  outside  the  sphere  of 
his  own  natural  inclinations,  may  often  have  seemed  perplexing 


4  CHURCH  AND  LABOE, 

to  us.  Probably  we  vaguely  satisfied  ourselves  by  seeking  the 
explanation  in  that  delicate  gentleness  and  supernatural  charity 
which  so  sweetly  blended  in  him  to  form  the  charm  of  his 
character.  Undoubtedly  the  Christian  refinement  of  his  early 
home,  and  the  examples  of  heroic  self-sacrifice  which  he  was 
privileged  to  witness  there  must  have  left  indelible  impressions 
upon  him.  But  it  was  none  of  these  causes  which  gave  the  de- 
termining direction  to  his  labors  in  the  cause  of  charity. 

Ozanam  was  truly  a  many-sided  genius.  The  most  varied 
undertakings  entered  into  the  compass  of  his  interests.  Yet 
there  was  one  purpose  to  which  all  were  subordinated ;  one  ob- 
ject in  which  his  whole  life  was  centered :  the  demonstration  of 
the  truth  of  Catholicity.  Literature,  history,  philosophy, 
science,  mathematics,  law,  economics  and  languages  were  all 
made  contributory  to  this  one  end.  It  was  his  determination 
to  convince  the  world  of  the  splendor  and  divinity  of  Catholic 
truth  which  inspired  the  thought  of  gathering  together  into  the 
Cathedral  of  Notre  Dame  the  intellectual  elite  of  Paris  that 
they  might  be  won  by  the  impassioned  and  persuasive  eloquence 
of  the  young  Abbe  Lacordaire.  It  was  the  same  purpose  which 
gave  the  first  impulse  that  led  to  the  foundation  of  the  confer- 
ences of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul. 

We  are  familiar  with  the  historic  incident  which  so  largely 
determined  the  course  of  his  life:  the  challenge  thrown  out  to 
him  by  the  Saint  Simonians  and  materialists  of  the  Paris  Uni- 
versity. "  You  have  good  reasons,"  said  they  to  the  young 
Cathodic  students,  "  to  talk  of  the  past.  There  was  a  time 
when  Christianity  worked  wonders;  but  now  it  is  dead.  In 
fact,  what  are  you  doing,  you  who  boast  of  your  Catholicity  ? 
Where  are  your  works  that  prove  your  faith,  that  can  make  us 
respect  and  accept  it  ?  " 

Ozanam  had  hitherto  been  easily  able,  by  the  mere  force  of 
truth  and  logic,  to  refute  all  their  arguments  against  the  Church. 
Here,  however,  was  an  objection  which  called  for  a  different 
answer.  It  was  a  personal  argument.  An  argumenfum  ad 
hominem,  as  they  say  in  the  schools.  It  called  for  nothing  less 
than  visible,  tangible  facts,  not  from  remote  periods  of  history, 
not  even  from  distant  countries  or  provinces,  but  from  the  lives 
of  the  students  themselves. 


THE  APOSTOLATE  OF  SOCIAL  ACTION    5 

OzanaiQ  might  readily  have  pointed  to  the  many  great 
institutions  of  charity  within  the  Catholic  Church,  then  as  now ; 
to  the  lives  and  labors  of  countless  zealous  priests,  religious 
and  laymen.  But  such  an  answer  would  not  satisfy  him,  how- 
ever much  it  might  silence  his  adversaries.  They  were  right  in 
looking  to  his  own  life  for  a  proof  of  the  faith  that  was  in 
him;  and  he  would  give  it  to  them.  His  friends  were  of  one 
mind  with  him.  Their  own  conduct  must  be  made  to  square 
with  the  ideals  of  Christianity.  Though  ardent  in  the  prac- 
tice and  defence  of  their  religion,  they  felt  that  the  reproach 
was  fairly  merited.     But  what  were  they  to  do? 

"  Ah,  well  then,"  was  Ozanam's  only  remark,  "  set  to  work! 
Let  our  acts  be  in  conformity  with  our  faith.  But  what  are 
we  to  do?  What,  indeed,  are  we  to  do  to  be  true  Catholics, 
if  not  the  one  thing  which  pleases  God  most  ?  Let  us  help  our 
neighbor,  as  did  Jesus  Christ,  and  place  our  faith  under  the 
protection  of  charity."  It  was,  therefore,  no  less  than  a  living 
argument  of  their  faith  which  they  were  going  to  give  to  the 
world.     The  religion  of  Christ  was  not  dead. 

The  scoffing  words  of  the  Saint  Simonians,  the  Socialists  of 
his  day,  had  been  for  Ozanam  a  flash  in  the  dark.  They  were 
one  of  those  providential  means  which  God  uses  to  compass 
great  ends.  Balaam  had  again  become  His  prophet.  Out  of 
the  mouth  of  scoffers  the  Lord  had  taught  wisdom  to  His  chil- 
dren. The  star  which  had  been  shown  to  Ozanam  and  his  com- 
rades they  now  followed  faithfully.  It  led  directly  to  the 
house  of  poverty,  where  they  found,  like  the  wise  men  of  old, 
"  the  Child  with  Mary  His  Mother."  The  gold  of  their  love, 
the  frankincense  of  their  prayer,  the  myrrh  of  sacrifice  they 
offered  to  Christ  in  His  poor.  In  their  hearts  they  were  truly 
performing  an  act  of  faith ;  but  for  the  world  their  external 
action  was  nothing  less  than  a  proof  of  the  Divine  and  ever- 
vital  power  of  the  Church. 

Yet  it  is  not,  as  we  have  said,  with  the  peculiar  work  of 
charity,  which  was  in  great  part  the  fine  flowering  of  the  mind 
and  heart  of  Ozanam,  that  we  are  to  deal  in  the  pages  here 
devoted  to  him,  but  rather  with  his  detailed  views  upon  the 
vital  industrial  question.  These  it  has  been  possible  to  gather 
from  a  careful  survey  of  his  works.     The  latter,  in  fact,  con- 


e  CHURCH  Als^D  LABOR 

tain  some  of  the  most  pertinent  reflections  upon  modem  labor 
problems,  and  an  outline  of  a  Catholic  social  system  upon 
which,  in  certain  ways,  we  have  made  but  slight  advances  even 
in  our  days.  It  shows  how  Catholic  social  principles  are  of 
necessity  always  the  same,  whether  we  find  them  in  the 
Fathers  of  the  early  Church;  in  the  medieval  economics  of 
Saint  Antonio  composed  at  Florence,  six  hundred  years  ago; 
or  in  the  latest  pastoral  of  the  Catholic  Bishops.  They  are 
rooted  alike  in  the  Gospel  of  Christ  and  in  the  laws  of  nature, 
that  do  not  change.  The  progress  we  ourselves  are  called  upon 
to  make  consists  in  the  constantly  new  application  of  these 
principles  to  the  new  conditions.  This  requires  on  our 
part  careful  study,  accurate  information,  and  often  the  most 
delicate  discrimination. 

But  to  pass  now  from  Ozanam  to  his  great  contemporary,  the 
illustrious  prelate  who  has  been  justly  honored  with  the  title 
of  "  The  Bishop  of  the  Working-men." 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  same  argument  which  was  brought 
against  Ozanam  by  the  enemies  of  religion  was  likewise  put 
by  Bishop  Ketteler,  some  decades  of  years  later,  into  the  mouth 
of  the  infidel  workingman  of  his  day.  His  purpose  was  to 
arouse  the  Catholics  of  Germany  to  a  realization  of  their  social 
mission.  Maintaining  at  the  historic  Fulda  Conference  of 
1869,  in  the  presence  of  almost  all  the  Bishops  of  Xorthem  and 
Southern  Germany,  that  the  Church  is  bound  in  charity  to  aid 
in  the  solution  of  the  labor  problem,  he  drove  home  his  conclu- 
sion with  the  very  objection  urged  by  the  Saint  Simonians. 
If  the  Church,  as  represented  by  her  leaders,  he  solemnly 
warned  the  chief  pastors  of  Christ's  Flock,  should  fail  in  her 
duty,  then  may  she  well  expect  to  hear  the  unbelieving  laborer 
say  to  her: 

Of  what  use  are  your  fine  teachings  to  me?  What  is  the  good  of 
your  referring  me  by  way  of  consolation  to  the  next  world,  if  in  this 
world  you  let  me  and  my  wife  perish  with  hunger?  You  are  not 
seeking  my  welfare,  you  are  looking  for  something  else. 

He  went  further,  and  in  express  words  referred  to  the  ac- 
complishment of  this  duty  as  an  argument  for  the  Divinity 
of  the  Church ;  as  a  proof,  not  in  words,  but  in  works,  that 
Christ  is  indeed  her  Founder: 


THE  APOSTOLATE  OF  SOCIAL  ACTION         1 

By  solving  this  problem,  which  is  too  difficult  for  mankind  left  to 
its  own  resources;  by  accomplishing  this  work  of  love,  which  is  the 
most  imperative  work  of  our  century;  the  church  will  prove  to  the 
world  that  she  is  really  the  institution  of  salvation  founded  by  the 
Son  of  God;  for,  according  to  His  own  words,  His  disciples  shall  be 
known  by  their  works  of  charity. 

The  taunt  which  spurred  on  Ozanam,  and  the  same  difficulty 
placed  by  Bishop  Ketteler  in  the  mouth  of  the  infidel  working- 
man,  have  been  frequently  enough  repeated  in  a  later  day. 
We  must  answer  them  by  deeds.  The  countless  institutions  of 
Catholic  charity,  the  lives  of  the  unnumbered  men  and  women 
who  have  given  up  all  to  follow  Christ,  who  have  devoted  their 
means,  their  energies,  their  whole  earthly  existence  to  the  love 
of  God  and  of  their  neighbor,  are  indeed  a  sufficient  argument 
to  show  that  Catholicity  is  not  dead,  that  it  is  a  Divine  and 
living  Faith.  But  the  world  is  too  apt  to  pass  by  all  these 
evidences  and  to  ask  of  the  priest,  the  lajTuan,  and  the  Catholic 
woman  in  the  world,  for  still  another  and  a  personal  proof. 
That  proof  likewise  we  must  be  prepared  to  give.  Our  religion, 
no  less  than  charity,  demands  it  of  us. 

A  host  of  Catholic  social  workers  is  arising  on  every  side. 
Catholic  social  and  industrial  organizations  are  being  estab- 
lished in  Europe  and  America.  There  is  work  for  all,  whether 
we  wish  to  labor  in  the  field  particularly  chosen  by  Ozanam  or 
in  that  wherein  Bishop  Ketteler  stands  supreme. 

"  Enkindle  again  the  fire  of  charity,"  pleads  Ozanam,  "  and 
justice  will  reign  on  the  earth."  "  Interest  yourself  in  the 
laborer,"  warns  Ketteler,  "  or  others  will  do  it  in  your  stead 
who  are  hostile  to  tJie  Church  and  to  Christianity."  Both 
have  the  same  object;  both  are  animated  by  the  same  spirit; 
both  are  equally  inflamed  with  zeal  in  the  cause  of  the  laborer 
and  the  poor.  Both  have  only  one  supreme  desire,  to  bring 
the  world  to  Christ.  They  are  the  preachers  of  a  new  crusade, 
a  social  apostolate  among  the  masses,  and  their  strong  cry 
"  God  wills  it !  "  rings  down  through  the  years  to  us.  Succes- 
sive Pontiffs  have  given  their  approval.  It  is  a  campaign  of 
charity,  a  campaign  of  justice,  not  for  one  class,  but  for  all 
classes  alike.  It  is  above  all  a  campaign  of  religion  to  renew 
all  things  in  Christ. 

"  Can  and  should  the  Church  help  to  solve  the  social  ques- 


8  CHURCH  A]^D  LAEOR 

tion  ? "  asks  Bishop  Ketteler  in  the  address  to  which  we  have 
referred,  and  he  replies: 

There  is  only  one  answer  to  this  question.  If  the  Church  is  power- 
less here,  we  must  despair  of  ever  arriving  at  a  peaceful  settlement 
of  the  social  problem. 

The  Church  can  and  should  help;  all  her  interests  are  at  stake. 
True,  it  is  not  her  duty  to  concern  herself  directly  with  capital  and 
industrial  activity,  but  it  is  her  duty  to  save  eternally  the  souls  of 
men  by  teaching  them  the  truths  of  faith,  the  practice  of  Christian 
virtue  and  true  charity.  Millions  of  souls  cannot  be  influenced  by  her 
if  she  ignores  the  social  question  and  contents  herself  with  the  tradi- 
tional pastoral  care  of  souls.  The  Church  must  help  to  solve  the  social 
question,  because  it  is  indissolubly  bound  up  with  her  mission  of 
teaching  and  guiding  mankind. 

That  task  the  Church  has  taken  up  anew  today.  The  move- 
ments begun  in  modern  times  by  Ozanam  and  Ketteler  will  be 
carried  on  by  thousands  of  zealous  workers,  men  and  women, 
lay  and  clerics.  The  purpose  of  the  present  volume  is  to  afford 
them  the  authentic  and  authoritative  direction  which  the 
Church  herself  has  to  give  them.  With  this  in  their  pos- 
session they  need  but  the  two  great  virtues  of  patience  and  per- 
severance in  their  work  of  brotherly  love.  The  life  of  de 
Mun  was  thus  beautifully  summed  up  by  a  fellow  countr^Tnan : 

"  De  Mun  understood  how  to  rrait  and  to  worh.  He  never  doubted. 
He  knew  neither  religious,  nor  social,  nor  political  doubt.  He  always 
went  forward,  his  eyes  fixed  upon  the  Holy  City  of  his  dreams." 

The  following  sections  will  deal  in  detail  with  the  industrial 
teachings,  respectively,  of  Ozanam  and  Ketteler. 


2.  FREDEEIC  OZANAM   ON  THE  LABOR 
QUESTION 

a.       LiBEEALISAI    AND    SOCIALISM 

"  The  question  which  agitates  the  world  to-day,"  Ozanam 
had  written  long  before  the  fateful  events  of  the  year  1848, 
"  is  not  a  question  of  persons,  nor  of  politics,  but  a  social  ques- 
tions." Carefully  and  accurately  he  had  read  the  signs  of  the 
time.  When  the  great  industrial  system  of  our  age  was  far 
from  its  present  development  and  when  many  of  the  clearest 
minds  in  Europe  were  but  little  dreaming  of  the  coming  issues, 
he  had  already  sounded  the  problem  of  the  future.  In  a  letter 
to  Foisset  occur  the  following  memorable  lines : 

The  questions  which  will  occupy  the  minds  of  men  are  the  questions        \ 
of  labor,  of  wages,  of  industry,  of  economics.^  \ 

When  the  Revolution  broke  out  Ozanam  beheld  the  realiza- 
tion of  what  he  had  long  foreseen :  that  it  is  impossible  for  any 
modern  government  to  endure,  no  matter  what  may  be  its  form, 
if  it  does  not  give  to  social  questions  a  first  place  in  its  con- 
siderations. In  a  letter  addressed  to  his  brother,  the  Abbe 
Ozanam,  dated  March  6,  1848,  and  published  for  the  first 
time  by  Duthoit,  in  Livre  du  Cenienaire,  he  contrasted  the 
revolutions  of  1830  and  1848.  The  former,  he  held,  was 
political ;  the  latter,  social.  The  one  was  of  interest  to  the 
educated  classes,  but  the  other  of  intense  moment  for  the  com- 
mon people.  It  was  all  a  question  of  labor  organization,  of 
hours  of  work  and  of  wages. 

We  must  not  imagine  that  we  can  escape  these  problems.  If  men 
think  that  they  can  satisfy  the  people  by  giving  them  primary  as- 
semblies, legislative  councils,  new  magistrates,  consuls  or  a  president, 
they  are  sadly  mistaken.  "Within  a  decade  of  years,  and  perhaps 
sooner,  the  old  difficulties  will  return. 

1  Eugene  Duthoit  in  Osanam,  Livre  du  Centenaire,  p.  354. 

9 


10  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

On  the  other  hand,  he  candidly  confessed  that  these  prob- 
lems cannot  be  touched  without  involving  the  entire  financial, 
commercial  and  industrial  order: 

If  the  State  intervenes  between  employers  and  employed  to  deter- 
mine the  wages,  that  liberty  by  which  commerce  has  hitherto  been 
nourished  will  cease  to  exist,  until  it  can  reestablish  itself  under  the 
new  laws.  God  knows  what  times,  what  ditficulties,  what  sufferings 
we  shall  have  to  pass  through !  ^ 

History  has  since  borne  evidence  to  the  truth  of  all  these 
statements,  and  the  world  has  again  been  facing  the  crisis  here 
described.  There  can  be  no  question  of  peace  until  we  have 
solved  the  problem  presented  by  our  modern  industrial  system, 
and  have  provided  for  a  more  reasonable  distribution  of  wealth. 
No  coercive  features  can  be  of  any  avail.  So,  after  tlie  days 
of  the  bloody  Revolution,  Ozanam  wrote: 

The  danger  which  you  congratulate  yourselves  that  you  no  longer 
see  upon  the  public  streets  has  hidden  itself  in  the  larders  of  the 
houses  that  sTvirt  them.  You  have  crushed  the  revolt;  there  remains 
an  enemy  with  which  you  are  not  sufficiently  acquainted,  Misery.' 

In  his  description  of  the  two  extreme  and  contradictory  eco- 
nomic systems  then  proposed  for  the  solution  of  the  social  ques- 
tion, Ozanam  was  no  less  happy  and  accurate  than  Bishop  Ket- 
teler.  The  first  of  these  was  that  individualism,  or  Liberalism, 
as  it  was  ordinarily  called,  which  left  the  weak  at  the  mercy  of 
the  strong  in  the  bitter  economic  struggle.  Non-interference,  ex- 
cept to  safeguard  the  individual  labor  contract,  no  matter  how 
unnatural  and  irrational,  was  held  to  be  the  sole  duty  of  the 
€itate  in  the  industrial  question.  Labor  organizations  were 
strictly  interdicted  and  hunted  to  the  earth,  as  preventing  the 
normal  development  of  supply  and  demand  which  it  was  bo 
lieved  would  of  itself  solve  all  problems. 

The  connection  between  the  Reformation  and  the  evils  of 
modern  industrialism  is  already  clearly  traced  by  Ozanam, 
Individual  reason,  he  argues,  became  supreme  under  the  new 
doctrine.     The  effect  was  indifference  in  matters  of  Faith,  lead- 

«  IMd.,  pp.  .349,  3.50. 
s  Melanges,  1,  p.  264. 


LIBERALISM  AND  SOCIALISM  11 

ing  to  deism,  pantheism  and  atheism.  To  these  succeeded  the 
utilitarian  doctrines  of  the  economists  and  the  dreams  of  hu- 
manitariauism.  Thus  through  many  transformations  rational- 
ism finally  sprang  into  being.  The  will  of  the  individual  was 
confounded  with  the  Divine  will,  private  rights  knew  no  limits 
except  private  pleasure.  With  the  disappearance  of  the  idea 
of  right  that  of  duty  likewise  vanished.  The  way  was  clear 
for  the  system  of  individualism  or  Liberalism  to  which  the 
origin  of  all  our  modern  economic  evils  must  be  ascribed. 
Socialism  itself  is  the  child  of  Liberalism,  sprung  from  the 
parent  it  hates,  like  Death  from  the  brain  of  Sin.  Where 
Liberalism  has  transgressed.  Socialism  reaps  the  havoc. 

The  equal  unsoundness  of  the  Socialistic  system  Ozanam 
recognized  at  first  glance.  In  his  description  of  it,  in  spite  of 
the  changes  which  years  have  wrought,  we  still  find  those 
very  characteristics  which  to-day  call  for  the  condemnation  not 
merely  of  Socialism,  but  of  all  the  measures  of  exaggerated  State 
control,  destructive  alike  of  the  best  interests  of  family  and 
community.     Ozanam  WTites: 

Never  has  Christianity  consented  to  that  enforced  Communism 
which  seizes  upon  tlie  human  person  at  his  birth,  thrusts  him  into 
the  national  school  and  the  national  workshops,  makes  of  him  nothing 
more  than  a  soldier,  without  any  will  of  his  own,  in  the  industrial 
army,  a  wheel  without  intelligence  in  the  machine  of  the  State. 
Thus  between  the  individualism  of  the  last  century  and  the  Socialism 
of  the  present,  Christianity  alone  has  foreseen  the  only  possible  solu- 
tion of  the  formidable  question  which  we  are  now  facing,  and  alone  has 
arrived  at  the  point  to  which  the  more  intelligent  minds  return  to-day, 
after  their  wide  circuit,  when  they  insist  upon  association,  but  volun- 
tary association.* 

Especially  worthy  of  note  is  his  summary  of  the  character- 
istics of  the  two  schools  we  have  here  considered: 

The  old  [i.  e.  the  individualistic]  school  of  economics  knew  no 
greater  social  danger  than  insufficient  production;  no  other  welfare 
than  to  urge  and  multiply  it  by  an  unlimited  competition;  no  other 
law  of  labor  than  personal  interest :  the  interest  of  the  most  insatiable 
of  masters.  On  the  other  side,  the  school  of  modern  Socialism  traced 
all  evil  to  a  vicious  distribution,  and  believed  it  could  save  society 

4  Les  Origines  da  i^ocialisme,  Melange,  I,  pp.  246,  247. 


12  CHURCH  A:NrD  LAEOE 

by  suppressing  competition,  by  making  of  the  organization  of  labor 
a  prison  which  would  feed  its  prisoners;  by  urging  the  people  to 
exchange  their  liberty  for  the  certainty  of  bread  and  the  promise  of 
pleasure.  These  two  systems,  of  which  one  made  the  destiny  of  man 
to  consist  in  production,  the  other  in  enjoyment,  lead  by  two  differ- 
ent ways  into  the  same  materialism.^ 

This  indeed  is  an  accurate  analysis  of  the  entire  situation, 
and  deserves  the  closest  study.  These  two  schools  are  with  us 
still,  though  other  elements  must  also  be  considered  in  our  day, 
such  as  a  really  harmful  underproduction  and  the  danger  of 
organized  labor  forgetting  the  supreme  interest  of  the  common 
good. 

In  his  discussion  on  property  the  great  French  layman  bases 
all  his  arguments  upon  Saint  Thomas,  and  in  defining  its 
duties  and  circumscribing  its  rights  he  speaks  in  terms  which 
anticipate  in  a  striking  way  the  statements  of  Pope  Leo  XIII, 
in  his  encyclical  upon  Labor.^ 

With  keen  insight  he  remarks  that  when  "  an  error  touches 
property  it  is  not  far  from  laying  its  hands  upon  the  family," 
a  fact  we  see  so  fully  realized  in  the  actual  propaganda  of 
Socialism.  This  latter  theory,  he  shows,  is  nothing  new;  but 
under  various  semblances  had  been  incorporated  in  ancient 
paganism  and  in  the  sects  of  the  early  Church.  But  the  sec- 
taries at  least  did  not  pretend  that  by  suppressing  property  they 
would  save  the  family.  Between  Manicheism  and  Socialism 
he  sees  more  than  an  accidental  similarity.  Both  were  a  men- 
ace to  the  cradle  and  the  hearth.  While  Socialism,  it  is  true, 
deals  only  with  productive  property,  yet  its  principles,  as  we 
find  them  propounded  by  many  of  its  leading  exponents  and 
often  put  in  practice,  strike  directly  at  the  Seventh  and  Tenth 
Commandments,  while  its  attitude  towards  matrimony,  as  ex- 
pressed in  the  official  organs  of  the  party  and  the  literature 
circulated  by  it,  is  sufficiently  familiar. 

From  the  insistence,  however,  with  which  this  error  per- 
petually returns  through  the  centuries,  he  argues  that  we  would 
strive  in  vain  to  put  it  down  by  the  anathemas  of  authority 
or  the  rigors  of  the  law,  that  it  is  seated  in  the  deepest  and  most 

B  Extraits  de  L'Ere  'Nouvelle,  Melanges,  I,  p.  280. 
6  Melanges,  I,  pp.  224-226. 


LIBEEALISM  AND  SOCIALISM  13 

piteous  wounds  of  human  nature.  Theology,  philosophy  and 
jurisprudence  may  refute  it,  as  they  have  done  in  the  past,  but 
it  will  perpetually  reassert  itself.  It  is  one  of  the  great  prob- 
lems which  Providence  uses  to  Its  own  wonderful  ends.  But 
in  the  very  persistence  of  this  error  he  likewise  sees  the  reason 
for  confidence: 

Since  the  doctrines  subversive  to  the  family  and  to  property,  -which 
ever  waited  at  the  gate  of  Christian  society  ready  to  seize  the  favor- 
able moment  for  falling  upon  it,  have  had  circumstances  so  favorable 
to  their  designs  as  the  ruin  of  the  Koman  Empire  and  the  barbarian 
invasion,  as  the  internal  dissensions  of  France  from  the  time  of  the 
Shepherds  to  the  uprising  of  the  Farmers,  and  as  the  wars  of  re- 
ligion and  the  ruin  of  the  social  order  in  the  north  of  Europe;  since, 
furthermore,  in  spite  of  all  this  daring,  bravery  and  strength,  they 
have  in  every  instance  been  wrecked  upon  the  soundness  of  civiliza- 
tion, there  is  consequently  no  reason  any  longer  for  being  fright- 
ened at  them  as  at  some  new  unwonted  peril.  We  may  count  upon 
the  conscience  and  the  good  sense  of  the  people  who  have  resisted 
these  temptations  throughout  eighteen  centuries.  We  may  count 
upon  the  power  of  Christianity,  which  has  never  failed  to  reject  with 
the  same  firmness  Socialistic  errors  and  egoistic  passions,  which 
contains  all  the  truths  preached  by  modern  reformers  and  none  of 
their  illusions,  which  alone  is  able  to  realize  the  ideal  of  fraternity 
without  sacrificing  liberty,  of  seeking  the  greatest  earthly  good  for 
man  without  robbing  him  of  that  sacred  gift  of  resignation,  the 
surest  remedy  of  sorrow  and  the  last  word  in  a  life  which  must  end/ 

The  Church,  he  writes,  as  if  in  answer  to  the  latest  jibe 
against  her,  has  preached  the  duty  of  brotherhood  and  the  honor 
of  poverty  throughout  the  ages;  but  she  has  pleased  neither 
the  unprincipled  rich,  who  trembled  at  the  vae  divitihus,  "  Woe 
to  you  that  are  rich,"  nor  the  evil-minded  poor,  who  see  in  the 
doctrine  of  resignation  only  an  artifice  of  the  clergy,  and  who, 
therefore,  accuse  the  Church  of  holding  the  Gospel  captive, 
while  they  themselves  give  it  their  own  materialistic  sense,  sub- 
stituting "  a  community  of  pleasures  for  a  community  of 
sacrifice." 

We  have  thus  far  considered  mainly  the  general  attitude  of 
Ozanam  towards  the  two  great  schools  of  economic  thought 
which,  in  their  basic  principles,  still  exist  to-day.     In  the  fol- 

t  Melanges,  I,  p.  255. 


14  CHUECH  AND  LABOE 

lowing  section  we  shall  describe  in  detail  his  own  economic 
system  as  applied  to  the  crucial  question  of  labor  and  wages. 

b.     Labor  and  WageiS 

In  the  second  volume  of  Ozanam's  miscellaneous  writings, 
the  eighth  of  his  complete  works,  can  be  found  the  notes  of  a 
course  of  commercial  law  delivered  by  him  while  a  young 
professor  at  Lyons,  eight  years  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Revo- 
lution of  1848.  A  brief  sketch  of  the  topics  treated  by  him 
in  each  discourse  is  given,  while  now  and  then  a  striking 
thought  is  presented  in  ampler  outline.  The  twenty-fourth  lec- 
ture deals  with  tho  labor  question,  Des  Ouvriers.  Its  impor- 
tance in  the  mind  of  Ozanam  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  it 
is  followed  by  a  "  Recapitulation  "  hardly  less  comprehensive, 
and  in  many  details  more  searching  than  the  original  discourse. 
Although  it  was  the  custom  of  Ozanam  always  to  give  a  care- 
fully prepared  review  of  his  previous  lecture,  the  present  repe- 
tition has  been  particularly  chosen  by  his  editors  for  reproduc- 
tion as  the  most  favorable  examples  of  his  methods.  We  have, 
therefore,  sufficient  material  to  form  an  accurate  estimate  of 
Ozanam's  economic  theory  of  labor  and  wages. 

It  would  be  impossible,  as  well  as  impracticable,  to  offer  here 
in  full  the  minute  and  undeveloped  plans  of  lectures  and  repe- 
tition. The  object  is  to  select  from  his  notes  and  jottings  the 
leading  economic  ideas  which  are  more  strictly  the  coinage  of 
his  own  mind,  and  to  present  them  with  their  proper  interpreta- 
tion. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  delay  long  upon  the  first  section  which 
treats  of  the  general  character  of  labor  and  its  part  in  produc- 
tion. Labor  is  for  him  "  the  sustained  act  of  man's  will  apply- 
ing his  faculties  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  wants."  The  decree 
of  work  is  written  for  all  ages  and  for  all  mankind  on  the  first 
page  of  the  world's  history,  but  pagan  pride  has  always  rebelled 
against  it.  In  the  ancient  world  it  became  the  lot  of  the  lower 
castes,  of  the  helot  and  the  slave.  Only  with  Christianity 
and  by  the  example  of  the  Divine  Artisan  in  the  workshop  of 
Joseph,  the  carpenter,  was  labor  rehabilitated  and  lifted  up 
■to  its  true  dignity.     Labor,  we  must,  however,  bear  in  mind, 


LABOR  AND  WAGES  16 

is  of  many  kinds.  It  is  not  necessary,  as  Ozanam  well  says, 
that  our  hands  be  black  with  soot ;  they  may  be  stained  with  ink. 

Great  stress  is,  therefore,  laid  by  him  upon  the  fact  that 
there  are  three  classes  of  labor :  physical,  intellectual  and  moral, 
and  that  all  three  are  truly  productive,  in  as  far  as  they 
satisfy  the  threefold  need  of  man,  which  is  moral  and  intellectual 
as  well  as  physical.  A  solidarity  must  be  established  between 
these  classes.  Intellectual  and  moral  needs  are  as  real  as  any 
others,  and  they  who  devote  their  lives  to  satisfying  them  are 
neither  idlers  nor  unproductive  members  of  society.  Their 
work  endures  beyond  the  passing  action  in  the  influences  they 
exercise  and  the  institutions  which  they  found. 

In  pointing  to  labor,  capital  and  nature  as  the  three  elements 
which  must  enter  into  every  process  of  production  he  agrees  with 
the  most  modern  economists.  The  capital  of  the  moral  worker 
would  evidently,  according  to  the  mind  of  Ozanam,  consist  of 
his  education  and  his  moral  qualifications  which  have  been 
accumulated  with  not  less  care  tlian  the  wealth  of  the  capitalist, 
and  are  now  productive  of  moral  good.  Ozanam's  wide  diver- 
gence from  the  Liberal  and  Socialistic  schools  is  at  once  ap- 
parent. 

In  the  second  part  of  his  discussion,  however,  which  deals 
with  the  question  of  wages,  this  divergence  becomes  still  wider 
and  more  pronounced.  Yet  nowhere  shall  we  find  a  deeper 
appreciation  of  the  miseries  of  the  toiling  classes,  of  the  in- 
justice to  which  they  are  so  frequently  subjected,  and  of  the 
indignity  with  which  they  have  been  treated  by  liberalism,  than 
in  the  pages  of  Ozanam.  Nowhere,  likewise,  is  there  shown 
a  more  sincere  determination  and  a  more  fearless  courage  in 
championing  their  rights.  "  It  is  time,"  he  wrote  in  Les 
Origines  du  Socdalisme,  "  to  prove  that  we  can  plead  the 
cause  of  the  proletariat,  to  pledge  ourselves  to  the  solace  of  the 
suffering  classes,  to  seek  the  abolition  of  poverty,  without  be- 
coming a  participant  of  the  doctrines  which  unchained  the 
tempest  of  June  and  which  still  are  spreading  their  dark  clouds 
about  us."  ^  That  poverty  can  never  be  entirely  abolished 
he  well  knew  and  clearly  stated,  but  he  no  less  strongly  taught 

»  Melanges,  I,  p.  212. 


16  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

the  duty  of  abolishing  to  the  utmost  of  our  power  all  the 
causes  that  culpably  lead  to  it. 

Leaving  aside  Ozanam's  technicalities,  which  at  times  are 
perplexing,  if  not  confusing,  we  shall  come  immediately  to 
the  vital  question  of  wages.  The  terms  "  living,"  ''  personal  " 
or  "  family "  wage  belong  to  the  present  stage  of  the  con- 
troversy. Instead  we  find  in  Ozanam  the  distinction  made  be- 
tween what  he  equivalently  calls  the  "  natural  "  wage,  iaux 
naturel  du  salaire,  and  the  "  actual  "  wage,  taux  reel  du  salaire. 

The  wages,  according  to  Ozanam,  should  pay  the  laborer 
for  all  that  he  places  at  the  disposition  of  industry.  They  are 
three  things.  First,  the  "  meritorious  will,"  or  as  he  likewise 
calls  it,  voJonte  courageuse.  While  this  title  now  sounds  fanci- 
ful, it  evidently  implies  nothing  more  than  the  ready  and  faith- 
ful actual  ser\'ice  which  the  wage-earner  renders  to  his  em- 
ployer. For  this  the  least  that  can  be  given  him  is  a  payment 
which  will  afford  him  the  possibilities  of  existence.  In  the 
second  place,  he  offers  his  education.  This  is  equivalently  his 
capital,  and  therefore  gives  him  a  title  to  interest,  an  interest 
which  will  enable  him  to  pay  for  the  education  of  his  own  chil- 
dren in  their  turn.  Thirdly,  he  sacrifices  his  vital  strength, 
which  cannot  endure  when  old  age  approaches.  He  has,  there- 
fore, a  natural  right  to  a  wage  which  besides  providing  for  his 
living  expenses  and  the  education  of  his  children  will  likewise 
enable  him  to  retire  in  old  age.  This  is,  as  it  were,  the  rent 
paid  upon  his  life  which  was  placed  at  the  disposition  of  his 
employer.  Were  he  not  to  receive  this  rental  he  would  prac- 
tically have  sold  his  life,  which,  Ozanam  argues,  is  a  sacred  pos- 
session of  the  laborer. 

However  much  this  method  of  argumentation,  with  its  touch 
of  poetry,  may  appeal  to  the  reader,  the  conclusion  is  clear. 
The  laborer  is  entitled,  according  to  Ozanam,  to  a  wage  which 
will  provide  for  his  o\^ti  proper  living  and  for  the  education  of 
his  children,  and  which  will  permit  him  to  retire  from  work 
in  his  declining  years  to  live  upon  his  savings.  Thus  he  will 
not  stand  in  need  of  an  old  age  pension  by  which  to  support 
himself  when  his  "  vital  force "  has  been  exhausted  in  the 
service  of  industry.     That  the  wages  may  suffice  for  all  these 


LABOR  AND  WAGES  lY 

purposes,  Ozanam,  however,  supposes  thrift  and  virtuous  living 
on  the  part  of  labor.  The  first  of  these  conditions,  to  go  no 
farther,  Socialists  spurn  in  order  to  keep  the  wage-earner  in 
his  indigence,  even  when  wages  are  just  and  satisfactory-  Onlj 
in  this  way  can  they  hope  to  bring  about  the  revolution  under 
all  circumstances. 

Thus  far,  however,  we  have  only  considered  what  Ozanam 
calls  the  "  absolute  conditions  "  detemiining  wages,  but  there 
are  likewise  "  relative  conditions  "  to  be  taken  into  account. 
Special  wages  are  demanded  according  to  the  difficulties  or 
hardships  of  the  work:  when  it  is  painful,  disagreeable  or 
dangerous;  when  it  is  subject  to  interruptions,  like  the  trade 
of  the  mason  ;  when  it  requires  extraordinary  strength,  dexterity, 
study,  or  long  years  of  apprenticeship. 

The  fact,  however,  is  that  the  actual  wage  is  often  beneath 
the  natural  wage.  This  leads  Ozanam  to  a  searching  considera- 
tion of  the  relations  between  employer  and  employed  and  a 
discussion  of  the  necessity  and  limitation  of  State  interference. 
To  these  subjects  we  shall  return  in  the  following  section. 

The  views  of  Ozanam  upon  the  leading  economic  issues  of 
our  day  have  far  more  than  a  mere  historic  interest.  They 
bring  us  face  to  face  with  the  great  Catholic  social  principles 
and  demonstrate  the  continuity  of  Catholic  teaching.  Even 
where  changes  have  openly  been  made,  as  in  the  question  of 
interest,  there  has  not  been  the  least  sacrifice  of  principle  on 
the  part  of  the  Church.  In  the  application  itself  of  funda- 
mental Catholic  truths  to  new  economic  conditions,  as  in  the 
instance  given,  the  change  is  often  more  apparent  than  real. 
Much  of  the  terminology  in  the  lectures  of  Ozanam,  delivered 
over  three-quarters  of  a  century  ago,  will  appear  strange  to  the 
modem  reader,  and  calls  for  interpretation.  But  his  doctrines 
themselves  are  not  new  to  us ;  they  perfectly  agree  in  substance 
with  the  teaching  of  our  Catholic  economists. 

If  we  sum  up,  therefore,  what  has  thus  far  been  said  by  him 
upon  the  wage  problem,  and  express  it  in  the  language  of  our 
own  day,  we  arrive  at  the  conclusion  that  he  demands  more  than 
a  mere  personal  or  living  wage,  that,  as  closely  as  we  can  ap- 
proximate to  his  idea  in  this  important  question,  he  is  a  de- 


18  CHURCH  AXD  LABOR 

fender  of  the  family  wage.  It  is  true  that  he  speaks  only  of 
a  wage  which  must  suffice  for  the  education  of  the  laborer's 
children,  while  no  express  mention  is  made  of  the  support  of 
the  mother  of  the  family.  But  the  latter  demand  is  naturally 
included  in  the  former,  especially  since  much  of  the  education 
of  the  laborer's  offspring,  in  the  broad  sense  in  which  Ozanam 
employs  the  term  "  education,"  must  depend  upon  her.  His 
severe  strictures,  moreover,  upon  woman  labor  as  well  as  child 
Inbor  can  leave  no  reasonable  doubt  upon  this  point.  There 
was  then,  of  course,  no  question  of  prolonging  the  common  edu- 
cation to  the  fourteenth,  much  less  to  the  sixteenth  year. 

c.  Employers  axd  Employed 
The  reasons  given  by  Ozanam  why  a  just  wage  is  often  denied 
the  laborer  are  reducible  to  two  main  classes:  inability  on  the 
part  of  the  employer  and  wilful  exploitation  of  labor.  As 
remedies  for  the  former  he  suggests  a  more  adequate  knowledge 
of  the  laws  of  supply  and  demand,  a  more  rigid  economy  in 
avoiding  waste,  and  a  more  perfect  distribution  of  money  for 
rent,  interest,  tax  and  profit;  in  brief  a  better  understanding  of 
industrial  and  commercial  questions.  The  second  difficulty  is 
not  solved  so  easily,  since  it  is  the  result  of  a  perverted  human 
will.  It  is  due  to  the  greed  of  capitalist  and  dividend-hunters, 
and  must  therefore  be  met  by  a  definite  action  on  the  part  of  the 
State,  of  the  community  and  of  the  labor  unions. 

In  his  definition  of  exploitation  Ozanam  is  eminently  clear 
and  to  the  point.  The  employer  becomes  guilty  of  this  crime 
"  when  he  does  not  consider  the  worker  as  an  associate  and  an 
auxiliary,  but  as  a  tool  from  which  he  is  to  derive  as  much 
service  as  possible  at  the  least  expense  possible."  This  is 
Catholic  doctrine  in  its  integrity. 

Such  exploitation  of  man  by  man  Ozanam  calls  by  no  other 
name  than  slavery.  The  human  laborer,  the  masterpiece  of  the 
Creator,  the  image  of  God,  the  immortal  heir  of  heavenly  glory, 
has  in  such  a  system  been  reduced  to  a  mere  machine.  His 
service  has  become  servitude.  He  is  "  only  a  part  of  capitalism, 
like  the  slave  of  the  ancient  pagans."  Xo  more  therefore  is 
done  for  him  that  for  the  machine  at  which  he  stands.     It  is  all 


EMPLOYERS  AND  EMPLOYED       19 

a  question  of  the  greatest  economy.  Child  labor  follows,  and 
the  mother  likewise  is  torn  from  her  home.  The  moral  and 
intellectual  needs  of  the  toiling  masses  are  of  no  consequence 
and  the  family  is  disintegrated  without  a  qualm  of  conscience. 
Sanitary  conditions  are  neglected  and  the  workshop  becomes  a 
veritable  prison  house  where  man,  woman  and  child  are  con- 
demned to  a  systematic  and  progressive  degradation.  Such 
must  of  necessity  be  the  conditions  wherever  the  Liberalistic 
form  of  capitalism  is  allowed  full  freedom  without  the  inter- 
ference of  State  action  and  labor  unionism.  Such  have  been 
and  still  are  the  actual  results  in  many  instances.  Need  we 
wonder  that  the  great  Catholic  social  leaders  all  with  one  voice 
more  bitterly  condemn  the  vices  of  individualism  or  Liberalism 
than  even  the  errors  of  Socialism.  The  first  are  the  cause,  the 
latter  only  the  effect. 

What  then  is  to  be  done  ?  Clearly  the  Government  must  inter- 
fere. The  policy  of  absolute  liberty,  Laissez  fairer  laissez 
passer,  can  not  be  tolerated.  The  individual  laborer,  says 
Ozanam,  is  under  a  threefold  disadvantage.  He  has  less  to 
spare  than  the  capitalist,  and  therefore  is  urged  by  need  to 
accept  the  terms  which  are  offered  him.  He  has  a  more  limited 
horizon  than  his  employer  and  is  consequently  more  subject 
to  alarm  and  intimidation.  He  is  finally  more  restricted  in 
his  choice  of  occupation.  The  capitalist  can  find  many  ways 
of  investing  his  wealth,  the  laborer  is  bound  to  his  machine 
or  at  least  to  the  trade  which  he  has  learned. 

While  such  is  the  condition  of  the  laborer,  there  is  no  less 
danger,  on  the  other  hand,  to  be  apprehended  from  a  paternal- 
istic government.  Experience  has  shown  that  it  hampers  in- 
dustry and  strangles  commerce.  No  worse  form  of  universal 
slavery  could  finally  be  imagined  than  the  paternalism  to 
which  Socialist  agitators  would  subject  the  entire  lumian  race. 

The  solution  therefore  of  the  problem  must  consist  in  a  proper 
balancing  of  liberty  and  authority.  Government  intervention 
is  necessary,  but  must  be  restricted  to  extraordinary  circum- 
stances. It  is  called  for  to  just  the  extent  that  the  common 
welfare  requires  it.  So  far  and  no  further.  Much  can  be 
accomplished  by  the  education  of  the  worker  and  by  proper 


20  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

labor  organizations.  The  employer  likewise  needs  to  be  taught 
that  liberal  wages  encourage  the  workingman,  make  him  take 
more  pride  and  pleasure  in  his  task  and  help  him  to  identify 
his  interest  with  his  occupation. 

The  laborer  will  be  attached  to  his  work  as  to  something  that  is  his 
own,  industry  will  advance  in  perfection,  and  that  demoralization 
which  we  make  at  the  same  time  a  reproach  and  a  necessity  for  the 
proletarian  will  cease  with  the  prospect  of  his  going  forth  one  day 
from  his  state  of  helotism.^ 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  conditions  of  which 
Ozanaxa  wrote  are  not  to  be  indiscriminately  compared  with 
those  of  our  time.  It  is  only  the  Socialistic  writer,  and  men 
who  have  similarly  become  infected  with  a  false  radicalism, 
who  will  condemn  the  entire  employing  class  as  guilty  of  heart- 
less exploitation.  Ozanam,  as  we  may  judge  from  his  many 
writings,  had  no  thought  of  attacking  the  principle  of  wages  in 
itself,  but  only  the  abuses  to  which  it  had  given  occasion  and 
which  had  become  common  in  the  factory  system  of  his  day. 
Nothing  could  be  more  terrible  than  the  moral,  intellectual 
and  physical  degradation  implied  in  the  picture  given  of  it 
by  Kolping  in  Germany ;  while  Manchester  and  other  great  in- 
dustrial centres  of  England  were  veritable  studies  for  a  new 
Inferno.  We  are  not,  therefore,  surprised  at  the  bold  and  un- 
qualified assertion  which  we  find  twice  repeated  in  the  notes 
of  Ozanam  that  the  great  industrial  captains  of  his  day  could 
only  be  compared  to  "  those  barbarian  royalties  who  were  borne 
about  upon  a  shield  on  the  shoulders  of  the  people."  ^° 

It  is  difiicult  for  us  to  conceive  the  horror  with  which  the 
Catholic  mind  at  this  period  contemplated  the  transition  from 
the  domestic  to  the  factory  system.  The  danger  and  degrada- 
tion it  implied  for  the  laborer  were  not  essential  parts  of  the 
new  system  itself;  but  under  the  pagan  individualism  of  the 
times,  which  the  Reformation  had  brought  about,  the  laborer 
was  practically  handed  over  as  a  slave  into  the  hands  of  the  fac- 
tory OA\Tier.     The  economic  philosophy  of  the  day  forbade  the 

»  Melanges,  II,  p.  582, 
10  Ibid.,  p.  586. 


EMPLOYEES  AND  EMPLOYED  21 

State  to  interfere  and  suppressed  the  labor  union,  so  that  no 
redress  could  be  had.  The  conscience  of  the  employer,  deadened 
by  what  he  knew  to  be  the  custom  of  the  time,  was  the  only 
court  of  appeal  which  labor  had.  Such  a  condition  could  never 
have  been  brought  about,  except  by  the  rejection  of  Catholic 
philosophy  and  Catholic  faith.  There  is  hope  for  labor  only 
in  as  far  as  Catholic  principles  are  adopted.  That,  however, 
in  the  stress  of  unlimited  competition  and  amid  the  surround- 
ings we  have  here  described,  the  Catholic  employer  should  often 
himself  have  yielded  to  the  principles  which  were  almost  forced 
upon  him,  is  sufficiently  intelligible. 

In  his  ovm  day  Ozanam  beheld  capital  and  labor  facing  each 
other  as  two  hostile  armies.  On  the  one  side  he  pictured  the 
power  of  wealth ;  on  the  other,  the  force  of  numbers.  The  acts 
of  physical  violence  and  the  strikes  of  the  toiling  multitudes  re- 
called to  his  mind  the  historical  scenes  of  the  seceding  Roman 
plebeians. 

We  have  already  briefly  indicated  Ozanam's  economic  solu- 
tion. It  would  be  wrong,  however,  to  convey  the  impression 
that  he  believed  the  question  to  be  mainly  an  economic  one. 
He  well  understood  that  the  evils  of  the  time  were  all  reducible 
to  a  want  of  charity  and  justice.  The  restoration  of  economic 
justice,  where  it  is  violated,  depends  largely  upon  the  power  of 
law  and  of  organization.  But  justice  can  never  be  restored 
without  charity,  the  absence  of  which  is  the  radical  reason  for 
the  existence  of  the  social  question  itself.  To  pastor  and  peo- 
ple alike  therefore  Ozanam  reads  the  great  lesson  of  charity. 
Tliey  must  go  out  into  the  world  and  take  an  active  part  in 
relieving  misery  wherever  they  find  it.  They  must  move  the 
hearts  of  the  rich  and  cheer  the  hearts  of  the  poor.  In  both 
they  must  enkindle  that  fire  of  charity  which  Christ  came  to 
bring  into  the  world.  Charity  then  will  return  to  earth  lead- 
ing Justice  by  the  hand.  But  it  must  be  a  charity  founded 
upon  faith  and  religion. 

We  have  spoken  only  of  the  faults  to  be  found  in  certain 
classes  of  employers.  Ozanam  well  knew  that  labor  likewise 
is  not  always  blameless.     Want  of  fidelity  and  of  application 


22  CHURCH  AND  LAEOR 

to  its  employment,  thriftlessness  and  dissipation,  and  even 
worse  evils  were  often  justly  set  to  its  account,  but  tenderly  be 
dealt  with  tbem  as  a  motber  might,  yet  no  less  resolutely. 
Labor  indeed  had  not  then  attained  the  position  which  it  not 
unfrequently  holds  today,  when  the  tables  are  turned  at  times 
and  the  employer  may  find  himself  helpless  against  a  power- 
ful trade  union,  defying  the  public  itself,  and  demanding,  it 
may  be,  its  own  arbitrary  price.  This  would  be  the  Liberalism 
of  labor  succeeding  the  Liberalism  of  capital,  a  danger  against 
which  every  Catholic  trade  unionist  must  be  upon  his  guard. 
As  a  final  rule  Ozanam  demands  that  a  fair  proportion  be 
observed  between  the  profits  of  the  employer  and  the  wages  of 
the  laborer.  There  is  usury,  he  argues,  as  well  in  excessive 
profits,  which  do  not  correspond  to  any  equivalent  labor  on  the 
part  of  the  employer,  as  in  excessive  interests  which  exceed  the 
use-value  of  the  money  loaned.  The  danger  of  harming  less 
fortunately  circumstanced  competitors  must  of  course,  within 
reasonable  limits,  be  borne  in  mind.  Allowance  must  likewise 
be  made  for  tlie  additional  rent  derived  from  the  land  and  for 
the  interest  on  the  capital  invested,  which  belong  to  the  em- 
ployer if  he  is  both  o-^Tier  and  manager.  If,  however,  for  these 
reasons  and  because  of  extraordinary  intellectual  labor  and 
ability  he  accumulates  a  fortune  exceeding  the  needs  of  his 
station  in  life  he  has  no  right  to  use  it  selfishly,  but  must  con- 
sider the  common  good.  As  long  as  such  fortunes  are  accumu- 
lated, and  used  as  an  absolute  personal  possession  and  not  as 
a  stewardship  for  God,  the  war  between  capital  and  labor  will 
continue,  no  matter  what  economic  transformations  may  take 
place. 

Ozanam  made  no  pretence  to  profound  economic  knowledge. 
When  asked  to  assimae  political  leadership  he  expressly  pleaded 
that  he  was  insufficiently  versed  in  these  questions.  This  was 
true  only  in  so  far  as  he  was  mainly  a  student  of  past  events, 
with  the  one  great  purpose  of  bringing  into  evidence  the  glor- 
ious role  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  world's  history.  But 
we  must  not  forget  that  he  was  always  closely  in  touch  with  the 
actual  life  of  labor  and  poverty,  and  a  shrewd  observer  of  all 
he  saw.     Even  while  delivering  his  economic  lectures  his  habit- 


EMPLOYERS  AND  EMPLOYED       23 

ual  modesty  asserted  itself.  ''  The  humble  words,"  he  said, 
"  which  come  from  this  chair  are  only  an  imperceptible  scat- 
terina;  of  seed.  Yet  who  knows  but  it  may  ripen  in  the  secret 
depths  of  your  thoughts  and  unfold  itself  one  day  in  effective 
plans." 


3.    WILLIAM  EMMANUEL  VON  KETTELER 

"  THE    BISHOP    OF    THE    WOEKINGMEN  " 

a.     The  Friend  of  the  People 

"  We  joyfully  confess,"  wrote  Bishop  Ketteler  in  answer  to 
the  slur  of  a  Freemasonic  journal  that  his  audience  on  a  cer- 
tain occasion  was  composed  mainly  of  laboring  men,  "  that  every 
dock-hand,  everj'  day-laborer,  every  peasant  is  of  as  much  mo- 
ment to  us  as  any  prince  or  king,  and  that  we  place  human 
dignity  far  above  all  class  distinctions.  We  feel  nothing  but 
inexpressible  pity  for  those  who  esteem  the  wealthy  manufac- 
turer higher  than  the  poor  farmhand."  ^ 

That  will  suffice  to  introduce  the  "  Bishop  of  the  Working- 
men."  He  spoke  not  for  himself  alone,  but  for  all  the  Church 
which  still  continues  to  fulfil  Christ's  mission  upon  earth: 
"  and  the  poor  have  the  Gospel  preached  to  them."  Yet  from 
the  lowliest  worker  in  the  reahn  to  the  Iron  Chancellor  all, 
whether  they  wished  it  or  not,  were  obliged  to  listen  to  the 
voice  of  Ketteler.  "  Consult  the  writings  of  the  Bishop  of 
Mainz,"  said  Bismarck  misinterpreting  their  sense  in  his  Kul- 
turkampf  speech ;  "  they  are  cleverly  written,  pleasant  to  read 
and  in  everyone's  hands."  No  mean  compliment  from  a  bitter 
enemy. 

In  the  realm  of  industrial  relations,  to  which  we  are  here 
confining  ourselves,  the  name  of  Bishop  William  Emmanuel 
von  Ketteler  must  ever  stand  recorded  as  that  of  the  pioneer 
of  modem  Catholic  action  in  the  industrial  field.  "  He  was 
my  great  precursor  in  the  labor  cause,"  Pope  Leo  XIII  justly 
said  of  him.  In  seeking  to  quote  from  his  many  writings  on 
the  greatest  of  modem  questions  we  are  hopelessly  bewildered 
bv  the  abundance  of  matter  that  still  remains  of  enduring  value 
in  his  works. 

Of  mag-nificent  and  commanding  appearance,  with  clear-cut 

1  Kann    ein   glauhiger    Christ    Freimaurer   sein,    p.    95.     Liesen,    Bishof 
Ketteler  und  die  soziale  Frage,  p.  25. 

24 


THE  FEIEND  OF  THE  PEOPLE  25 

features  and  kindly  yet  penetrating  glance,  Bishop  Ketteler 
exercised  an  irresistible  power  wherever  he  appeared.  His  voice 
could  sway  the  largest  audiences  and  his  written  word  was 
eloquently  persuasive.  "  You  wield  a  good  pen,  my  son,"  the 
aged  Pope  Pius  IX  said  to  him  on  his  last  visit  to  Rome, 
shortly  before  his  death.  His  first  great  social  utterance  will 
never  be  forgotten  in  the  annals  of  the  Catholic  social  move- 
ment. It  was  delivered  in  the  fateful  year  1848,  when  as 
pastor  of  Hopsten  and  Representative  of  the  Frankfurt  Parli- 
ament he  was  called  upon  to  speak  at  the  grave  of  two  deputies 
who  had  been  brutally  murdered  by  an  enraged  mob  for  their 
free  public  utterances.  Seventy  years  later,  in  1918,  his  ringing 
words  might  again  have  been  spoken  with  equal  truth  under  very 
similar  circumstances.^ 

Who,  I  ask,  are  the  murderers  of  our  friends?  Is  it  indeed  they 
who  have  riddled  their  bodies  with  bullets?  No,  it  is  not  they. 
It  is  the  thoughts  that  bring  forth  good  and  wicked  deeds  on  earth 
—  and  the  thoughts  that  have  brought  forth  these  deeds  are  not 
the  thoughts  of  our  people.  My  lot  is  cast  with  the  people;  I 
know  it  in  its  pains  and  in  its  sorrows.  I  have  devoted  my  whole 
life  to  the  service  of  the  people,  and  the  more  I  have  learned  to  know 
them,  the  more  also  I  have  learned  to  love  them.  No,  I  repeat  again,  it 
is  not  our  noble,  honest  German  people  from  whom  this  horrible  deed 
has  gone  forth.  The  murderers  are  the  men  who  sneer  at  Christ, 
at  Christianity  and  the  Church  before  the  people;  who  try  to  pluck 
the  blessed  message  of  Redemption  out  of  the  hearts  of  the  people; 
who  raise  rebellion,  revolution,  to  the  dignity  of  a  principle;  who 
tell  the  people  that  it  is  not  their  duty  to  govern  their  passions,  to 
subject  their  actions  to  the  higher  law  of  virtue.  The  murderers  are 
the  men  who  set  themselves  up  as  the  lying  idols  of  the  people,  in 
order  that  these  may  fall  down  and  adore  them. 

On  all  sides  I  hear  the  cry  for  imiversal  peace  —  and  whose  soul 
would  not  joyfully  join  in  the  cry?  —  and  I  see  men  ever  more  and 
more  divided  against  themselves,  the  father  against  the  son,  the 
brother  against  the  sister,  the  friend  against  the  friend;  I  hear  the 
cry  for  equality  among  men,  an  equality  which  the  message  of  salva- 

2  The  translations  of  Bishop  Ketteler's  words  throughout  this  section 
are  taken  from  the  excellent  renditions  contained  in  George  Metlake's  Ket- 
teler's Social  Reform,  published  by  the  Dolphin  Press,  Philadelphia.  A 
somewhat  similar  work  in  German,  though  less  ample,  is  the  centenary 
volume,  Bishof  v.  Ketteler  als  Vorkdmpfer  der  christlichen  Sozialreform, 
by  J.  Mimdwiler,  S.  J. 


26  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

tion  has  been  teaching  for  thousands  of  years,  and  I  see  man  striving 
frantically  to  raise  himself  above  his  fellow-man;  I  hear  the  beauti- 
ful, the  sublime  cry  for  brotherhood  and  love,  a  cry  borne  down  to 
us  from  Heaven,  and  I  see  hatred  and  calumny  and  lying  running 
riot  among  men;  I  hear  the  cry  to  hold  out  a  helping  hand  to  our 
poor  suffering  brother, —  and  who,  if  he  has  not  plucked  out  both 
his  eyes,  can  deny  that  his  need  is  great,  and  who  that  has  not  torn 
his  heart  out  of  his  bosom,  will  not  join  all  his  soul  in  this  cry  for 
help  ? —  and  I  see  avarice  and  covetousness  increase,  and  pleasure- 
seeking  grow  more  and  more.  I  see  men  who  call  themselves  *  friends 
of  the  people '  adding  to  the  general  distress,  undermining  the  love 
of  work,  and  setting  their  poor  deluded  brother  at  the  pockets  of  his 
fellow-man,  keeping  their  own  money-bags  tight  sealed  the  while; 
I  hear  the  cry  for  liberty,  and  before  me  I  see  men  murdered  for 
having  dared  to  utter  an  independent  word;  I  hear  the  cry  for  hu- 
manity, and  I  see  a  brutality  which  fills  me  with  horror. 

O  yes,  I  believe  in  the  truth  of  all  those  sublime  ideas  that  are 
stirring  the  world  to  its  depths  to-day;  in  my  opinion  not  one  is  too 
high  for  mankind ;  I  believe  it  is  the  duty  of  man  to  realize  them  all, 
and  I  love  the  age  in  which  we  live  for  its  mighty  wrestling,  how- 
ever far  it  is  from  attaining  them.  But  there  is  only  one  means  of 
realizing  these  sublime  ideals  —  return  to  Him  who  brought  them 
into  the  world,  to  the  Son  of  God,  Jesus  Christ.  Christ  proclaimed 
those  very  doctrines  which  men,  who  have  turned  their  backs  on 
Him  and  deride  Him,  are  now  passing  off  as  their  own  inventions; 
but  He  not  only  preached  them  —  He  practised  them  in  His  life,  and 
showed  us  the  only  way  to  make  them  a  part  and  parcel  of  our  own 
lives.  He  is  the  Way,  the  Truth,  and  the  Life;  outside  of  Him 
is  error,  and  lying,  and  death.  Through  Him  mankind  can  do  all 
things,  even  the  highest,  the  most  ideal;  without  Him  it  can  do 
nothing.  With  Him,  in  the  Truth  which  He  taught,  on  the  Way 
which  He  pointed  out,  we  can  make  a  paradise  of  earth,  we  can  wipe 
away  the  tears  from  the  eyes  of  our  poor  suffering  brother,  we  can 
establish  the  reign  of  love,  of  harmony  and  fraternity,  of  true  hu- 
manity; we  can  —  I  say  it  from  the  deepest  conviction  of  my  soul  — 
we  can  establish  community  of  goods  and  everlasting  peace,  and  at 
the  same  time  live  under  the  freest  political  institutions;  without 
Him  we  shall  perish  disgracefully,  miserably,  the  laughing-stock  of 
succeeding  generations.  This  is  the  solemn  truth  that  speaks  to  us 
out  of  these  graves;  the  history  of  the  world  bears  it  out.  May  we 
take  it  to  heart.^ 

The  history  of  the  years  that  were  to  follow  has  indeed 
abundantly  borne  out  the  truth  of  Bishop  Ketteler's  word.     His 

sPredigten,  II,  pp.  107  j^.     Metlake,  pp.  21)7. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  PROPERTY  RIGHTS       27 

warning  is  as  needful  to  the  nations  of  the  earth  today  as  when 
it  was  fearlessly  uttered  in  the  presence  of  an  audience  thrilled 
and  awed  hy  his  living  eloquence. 

b.     The  Question  o-f  Peopeety  Rights 

In  the  speech  just  quoted  we  find  a  striking  reference  to 
the  possibility  of  establishing  under  Christianity  a  true  com- 
munity of  goods.  Thi«  suggested  Communism  differs  essen- 
tially from  the  Communism  of  Marx,  and  when  carefully 
analyzed  will  be  found  to  be  nothing  more  than  what  Pope  Leo 
XIII  has  described  in  a  word  more  suitable  for  our  own  day, 
as  "  Christian  Democracy." 

Communism,  in  the  year  1848,  was  a  word  to  conjure  by. 
In  this  same  year,  a  few  weeks  before  the  French  Revolu- 
tion, Marx  and  Engels  had  flung  upon  the  world  their  "  Com- 
munist Manifesto,"  the  future  gospel  of  Socialism.  These 
founders  of  the  modem  Socialist  movement  deliberately  chose 
the  word  "  Communist "  as  summing  up  the  extreme  radical- 
ism of  their  day.  Their  doctrine  itself  was  soon,  however,  to 
be  known  as  Socialism  the  world  over,  though  the  present  Com- 
munism, too,  is  its  legitimate  offspring.  In  opposition  to  the 
"  false  Communism "  of  the  times  Bishop  Ketteler  therefore 
proposed  the  "  true  Communism,"  or  as  we  should  say  today, 
the  "  Christian  Democracy  "  of  the  Catholic  Church.  The  con- 
trast between  the  two  chief  founders  of  these  opposing  social 
movements,  the  Socialist  and  the  Catholic,  Marx  and  Ketteler, 
prCiSents  indeed  a  picture  of  absorbing  interest. 

Both  were  working  simultaneously,  independently,  and  from 
different  points  of  view,  at  the  solution  of  the  same  problem. 
Both  were  born  leaders  of  most  remarkable  gifts,  of  originality 
in  thought,  of  boundless  capacity  for  work,  of  fiery  tempera- 
ment, of  utter  fearlessness  in  the  enunciation  of  their  prin- 
ciples. Each  was  supreme  in  his  field.  "  Marx  stood  higher, 
saw  further,  took  a  wider,  clearer,  quicker  survey  than  all  of 
us,"  said  Engels,  his  co-laborer ;  "  Marx  was  a  genius,  we  others 
were,  at  best,  men  of  talent."  Ketteler,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  no  less  unquestionably  the  greatest  prelate  in  the  social 
j^phere.     Marx,  inspired  with  the  hatred  of  the  lost  archangel, 


28  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

casting  off  all  religion  and  belief  in  God,  fulminated  his  thun- 
ders against  the  entire  state  of  existing  society.  Confusing 
abuses  with  inherent  evils,  he  strove,  under  cover  of  materialistic 
evolution,  to  set  class  against  class  in  a  deadly  conflict,  lifting 
up  the  battle  cry  which  was  to  arouse  every  latent  passion  of 
envy,  greed  and  hatred  in  the  hearts  of  his  followers :  "  Ex- 
propriate the  expropriators !  "  Ketteler,  on  the  contrary,  urged 
on  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  came  to  bring  peace  and  blessing  to 
the  world.  With  all  the  power  of  his  high  office,  his  majestic 
presence  and  his  stirring  eloquence,  he  fearlessly  set  his  face 
against  the  oppression  of  the  poor,  the  injustice  of  the  law, 
the  godlessness  of  the  schools,  and  the  usurpation  of  the  author- 
ity of  the  Church  by  the  State.  To  these  last  two  causes  he 
rightly  attributed  in  largest  measure  the  abject  poverty  of  the 
masses.  He  came  to  minister  spiritually  and  temporally  to 
the  wants  of  the  poor  and  to  reorganize  the  working  classes. 
That  many  of  the  conditions  he  describes  no  longer  exist  is  due 
in  no  small  degree  to  his  initiative,  and  the  future  devel- 
opment both  of  industry  and  of  organization,  which  he 
clearly  foretold,  has  introduced  mighty  changes  in  the  social 
problem. 

According  to  Marxian  philosophy,  the  root  of  all  the  world's 
evil,  of  vice  as  well  as  of  poverty,  is  purely  or  overwhelmingly 
economic,  and  therefore  a  state  of  prosperity  and  universal  vir- 
tue can  be  effected  only  by  economic  causes.  This  is  the  essen- 
tial doctrine  of  the  Marxian  theory.  If  men  remain  such 
as  they  are  the  Socialistic  commonwealth  must  clearly  be  im- 
possible. The  Socialists  themselves  confess  it.  Ketteler's 
mind  saw  further.  He,  too,  recognized  the  economic  causes  and 
pointed  them  out ;  but  beneath  them  all,  in  the  soil  untouched  by 
Marx  or  Engels,  he  found  the  real  root  of  all  disorder,  original 
sin.     In  strong  words  he  asked : 

How  is  it  possible  that  on  the  one  hand  we  see  rich  men,  in  the 
face  of  the  most  elementary  laws  of  nature  and  without  a  qualm  of 
conscience,  wasting  their  substance  riotously,  while  the  poor  are 
starving  and  ihe  children  degenerate?  How  is  it  possible  for  us  to 
relish  superfluities  whilst  our  brothers  are  in  want  of  the  barest 
necessaries  of  life?  How  is  it  possible  that  our  hearts  do  not  break 
in  the  midst  of  revelry  and  song  when  we  think  of  the  sick  poor  who 


THE  QUESTION  OF  PROPERTY  RIGHTS       29 

in  the  beat  of  the  fever  are  stretching  out  their  hands  for  refresh- 
ment and  no  one  is  by  to  give  it  to  them? 

Then,  after  describing  the  saddest  of  all  sights,  the  little 
children  growing  up  in  vice  and  sin,  he  continues :  "  And  on 
the  other  hand,  how  is  it  possible  that  the  poor  and  their 
godless  seducers,  contrary  to  all  natural  right  and  all  common 
sense,  embrace  the  absurd  theory  of  false  Communism,  and  look 
to  it  for  salvation,  though  it  is  so  evident  that  it  would  drag 
all  humanity  down  to  its  ruin?"  The  answer,  he  says,  is  to 
be  found  in  the  doctrine  of  original  sin,  without  which  man 
must  remain  a  mystery  to  himself.* 

It  was  the  question  of  property  rights,  therefore,  which  first 
engaged  Bishop  Ketteler's  attention  in  his  famous  sermons 
on  "  The  Great  Social  Questions  of  the  Day,"  which  were  de- 
livered during  the  same  memorable  year,  1848.  The  first  of 
these  dealt  with  "  The  Christian  Idea  of  the  Right  of  Property." 
The  second  contained  in  detail  an  exposition  of  the  principles 
enunciated  600  years  before  by  the  great  Catholic  doctor,  St. 
Thomas.  These  principles  of  necessity  remain  the  same  today, 
for  principles  do  not  change.  It  is  their  application  only  that 
must  ever  be  newly  made  to  keep  pace  with  the  varying  cir- 
cumstances of  time  and  peace. 

All  creatures,  and  therefore  all  goods  of  the  earth,  Ketteler 
argues,  can  of  their  very  nature  belong  to  God  alone.  He  alone 
can  have  essential  and  complete  owmership  over  them.  Man's 
right  is  strictly  limited  to  the  use  and  enjoyment  of  them,  the 
"  usufruct,"  as  throughout  the  sermons,  it  is  technically  called. 
In  no  other  respect  can  any  human  being  claim  a  right  in  their 
regard.  ISTor  is  this  right  to  the  use  and  enjo^onent  of  the 
goods  of  earth  unrestricted,  since  it  may  be  exercised  only  "  as 
God  wills  and  as  He  has  ordained."  Since  God  is  the  only 
absolute  owner,  it  follows  obviously  that  no  one  may  do  just 
as  he  pleases  with  the  earthly  goods  in  his  possession.  These 
truths  Ketteler  develops  further  in  the  following  crucial  pas- 
sage: 

To  God  therefore  belongs,  to  conclude  with  St.  Thomas's  own  words, 
*Predigten,  II,  pp.  136  f. 


30  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

the  sovereign  proprietorship  over  all  things.  But  in  His  Providence 
He  has  destined  some  of  these  things  for  the  sustenance  of  man,  and 
for  this  reason  man  also  has  a  natural  right  of  ownership,  viz.  the 
right  to  use  things.  Two  very  important  conclusions  follow  from 
these  premises. 

In  the  first  place,  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  private  property  has 
nothing  in  common  with  the  conception  current  in  the  world  accord- 
ing to  which  man  looks  on  himself  as  the  unrestricted  master  of  his 
possessions.  The  Church  can  never  concede  to  man  the  right  of  us- 
ing at  his  pleasure  the  goods  of  this  world,  and  when  she  speaks 
of  private  property  and  protects  it,  she  never  loses  sight  of  the  three 
essential  and  constituent  elements  of  her  idea  of  property,  viz. 
that  the  true  and  complete  right  of  property  pertains  to  God  alone, 
that  man's  right  is  restricted  to  the  usufruct,  and  that  man  is  bound, 
in  regard  to  this  usufruct,  to  recognize  the  order  established  by  God. 

Secondly,  this  doctrine  of  the  right  of  property,  having  its  root 
and  foundation  in  God,  is  possible  only  where  there  is  living  faith 
in  God.  It  is  only  since  the  men  who  call  themselves  the  friends 
of  the  people,  though  steadily  compassing  the  public  ruin,  and  their 
spiritual  progenitors,  have  shaken  mankind's  faith  in  God,  that  the 
godless  doctrine  could  gain  ground  which  makes  man  the  god  of  his 
Iiossession.  Separated  from  God,  men  regarded  themselves  as  the  ex- 
clusive masters  of  their  possessions  and  looked  on  them  only  as  a 
means  of  satisfying  their  ever-increasing  love  of  pleasure;  separated 
from  God,  they  set  up  sensual  pleasures  and  the  enjoyment  of  life 
as  the  end  of  their  existence,  and  worldly  goods  as  the  means  of 
attaining  this  end;  and  so  of  necessity  a  gulf  was  formed  between 
the  rich  and  the  poor  such  as  the  Christian  world  had  not  known 
till  then.  While  the  rich  man  in  his  refined  and  pampered  sensuality 
dissipates  and  wastes  his  substance,  he  suffers  the  poor  man  to  lan- 
guish for  very  lack  of  the  barest  necessaries  of  life  and  robs  him  of 
what  God  intended  for  the  nourishment  of  all.  A  mountain  of  in- 
justice, like  a  heavy  malediction,  rests  on  property  thus  abused  and 
diverted  from  its  natural  and  supernatural  purpose.  Not  the  Catholic 
Church,  but  infidelity  or  atheism  has  brought  about  this  state  of 
things,  and  just  as  they  have  destroyed  in  the  poor  man  the  love 
of  work,  so  are  they  destroying  in  the  rich  man  the  spirit  of  active 
charity.'' 

Man's  right  of  ownership,  then,  is  nothing  more  than  "  a 
right  conceded  him  by  God  to  use  the  goods  of  earth  as  the 
Creator  has  ordained."  This  right,  Ketteler  continues,  men 
can  exercise  in  either  of  two  ways:  "Men  can  either  exercise 
their  property,  or  rather  usufructuary,  rights  in  common,  that 

uPredigten,  II,  pp.  120  jf.     Metlake,  pp.  32  ff. 


THE  QUESTIOIT  OF  PROPERTY  RIGHTS       31 

is,  administer  the  goods  of  earth  in  common  and  divide  the 
profits  (Communism)  ;  or  they  can  possess  them  divided,  so  that 
each  man  has  property  rights  over  a  specified  portion  of  them 
and  is  at  liberty  to  dispose  of  the  profits  derived  from  them." 
Which  of  these  two  systems,  Communism  or  private  property, 
he  asks,  is  destined  for  man  ?  In  answering  this  question  he 
again  follows  St.  Thomas  and  divides  the  sole  right  to  property 
that  man  can  possess  into: 

I.     The  riglit  of  management  and  administration. 
II.     The  right  of  enjoying  the  profits. 

Of  the  first  of  these  rights  he  affirms  with  St.  Thomas  that 
in  regard  to  the  management  and  administration  of  property 
the  individual  right  of  ownership  over  the  goods  of  the  earth 
is  to  be  upheld.  His  reasons  are,  in  the  first  place,  that  "  it  is 
the  only  way  to  secure  good  management,  for  every  one  takes 
better  care  of  what  belongs  to  himself  than  of  that  which  he 
possesses  jointly  with  other."  To  this  he  adds  the  lack  of 
improvement  and  incentive  that  would  follow  from  a  common 
ownership,  and  the  laziness  that  must  gain  the  upper  hand 
from  the  loss  of  any  counterpoise.  The  other  reasons,  briefly 
stated,  are  that  tlie  right  to  private  property  alone  can  guarantee 
the  order  required  for  fruitful  management,  and  finally  that  it 
alone  can  preserve  peace  among  men.  "  For  we  know  from 
experience  how  easily  joint  possession  of  property  leads  to 
disputes  and  quarrels,"  even  wdiere  the  inmates  of  the  same 
house  "  share  with  each  other  nothing  but  the  air  they  breathe 
and  the  water  tliey  draw  from  the  common  well." 

Coming  then  to  the  second  of  these  rights,  that  of  enjoying  the 
profits,  he  lays  down  the  rule  which  is  the  very  foundation 
stone  of  Christian  Democracy: 

But  in  regard  to  the  enjoyraent  of  the  fruits  derived  from  the  ad- 
ministration of  earthly  goods,  St.  Thomas  lays  down  a  very  diifer- 
ent  principle.  Man,  according  to  him,  should  never  look  upon  these 
fruits  as  his  exclusive  property,  but  as  the  common  property  of  all, 
and  should  therefore  be  ready  to  share  them  with  others  in  their 
need.  Hence  the  Apostle  says :  "  Charge  the  rich  of  this  world  to 
give  easily,  to  communicate  to  others."  *     Thus,   on   the  one  hand, 

8  I  Tim.  xvii,  18. 


32  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

we  see  Christianity  opposing  the  false  doctrines  of  Communism,  and 
on  the  other  no  less  strenuously  combating  the  false  doctrine  concern- 
ing the  right  of  ownership,  and  setting  up  true  Communism^ 

This  true  and  voluntary  Communism,  carried  to  the  height  of 
a  complete  oblation  of  all  earthly  goods,  which  the  Church 
v/ould  forcibly  impose  upon  no  man,  Ketteler  thus  described 
in  his  well-known  sermon  for  the  Feast  of  Pentecost : 

There  must  be  something  great  about  community  of  temporal  goods, 
seeing  that  it  was  one  of  the  first  fruits  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  But 
how  different  was  this  communism  in  the  first  Christian  Church 
from  its  caricature  in  our  days.  The  men  who  practised  community 
of  goods  in  those  days  were  vessels  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Through  the 
Holy  Ghost  they  had  become  one  heart  and  one  soul,  and  the  owners 
of  the  lands  and  houses  sold  these  of  their  own  free  will  and  laid 
the  price  at  the  feet  of  the  Apostles.  Hence  St.  Peter  said  to  Ananias, 
who  had  lied  to  him  concerning  the  prices  of  the  land:  "Whilst  it 
remained,  did  it  not  remain  to  thee?  And  after  it  was  sold,  was 
it  not  in  thy  power?"  But  now  those  who  speak  of  community  of 
goods  are  not  men  filled  with  the  Spirit  of  God,  but  with  the  spirit 
which  the  world  serves.  They  do  not  want  to  give  up  what  is  their 
own,  but  to  rob  others  of  what  by  right  belongs  to  them.  In  those 
days  the  idea  of  community  of  goods  sprang  from  the  spirit  of  love, 
whereas  now  it  springs  from  the  spirit  of  avarice.  It  is  the  giant 
task  of  our  age  to  fill  up  again  the  abyss  that  divides  the  rich  from 
the  poor,  and  woe  to  us  if  it  is  not  filled  up:  years  will  come  com- 
pared to  which  the  year  'forty-eight  was  only  a  childish  plaything. 
But  this  abyss  can  be  filled  up  only  by  the  same  spirit  that  wrought 
in  the  first  Christian  community.  We  must  become  one  heart  and  one 
soul  again. ^ 

The  Communism  which  Ketteler  had  in  mind  while  giving 
the  course  of  sermons  on  "  The  Great  Social  Questions  of  the 
Day  "  must  therefore  be  clearly  distinguished  from  the  Social- 
ism of  a  later  date.  In  the  development  of  the  argument  from 
St.  Thomas,  as  quoted  in  this  chapter,  he  dealt  with  that  ex- 
treme form  of  Communism  which  would  extend  to  an  actual 
common  management  of  industries.  In  certain  instances,  dur- 
ing its  initial  stages,  Bolshevism  apparently  attempted  this 
absurdity.  The  necessity  of  leaving  the  direction  of  manu- 
facturing   plants    in    the    hands    of    experts,    appointed    by 

7  Ibid.     St.  Tliomas,  Summa  Theologia,  II,  II,  Q.  66,  A.  1  and  2. 
&Predigten,  I,  pp.  3S1  Jjf     Metlake,  pp.  61  jf. 


THE  QUESTIOIvr  OF  PROPEETY  RIGHTS        33 

the  Communist  representatives,  however,  soon  became  evi- 
dent. Such  would,  in  general,  be  the  Socialist  idea.  The 
more  actual  a  radical  movement  becomes,  the  less  Commun- 
istic it  is  likely  to  be  in  its  administration.  But  Socialism, 
in  proportion  as  it  plans  a  more  or  less  universal  socialization 
of  the  means  of  production,  still  remains  economically  refuted 
by  the  first  argument  of  Bishop  Ketteler,  which  it  has  never 
been  able  to  answer,  and  which  experience  has  proved  to  be 
incontrovertible — namely,  that  collective  ownership  leads  to 
a  far  greater  expenditure,  waste,  inefficiency  and  laziness  than 
private  ownership.  Our  real  problem  is  to  retain  the  efficiency 
of  the  latter,  and  to  render  impossible  the  excessive  abuses  and 
profiteering  that  have  been  connected  with  it  under  the  Liber- 
alistic  capitalism  which  Bishop  Ketteler  condemned  with  all 
the  power  of  his  eloquence. 

His  opposition  to  Socialism  must  not,  however,  be  construed 
as  implying  a  condemnation  of  every  form  of  State  ownership. 
The  fact  is  that  in  later  years  we  find  him  formally  advocating 
the  Government  ownership  of  the'  railroads  in  Germany.  In 
spite  of  its  great  drawbacks  and  its  inevitably  greater  expendi- 
ture. Government  ownership  of  certain  definite  industries  may 
be  demanded  for  the  common  good.  So  far,  but  no  further, 
is  it  then  to  be  accepted,  due  compensation  being  made  to  pre- 
vious owners.  But  special  care  must  be  taken  not  to  conclude 
rashly,  that  because  Government  ownership  in  one  industry — 
say  the  railroads — is  successful  in  one  country,  that  therefore 
it  will  be  equally  successful  in  every  country  and  all  times. 

Bishop  Ketteler's  opposition  to  Socialism,  we  must  add,  was 
based  furthermore  upon  the  atheistic  nature  of  the  Socialism  of 
his  day,  which  the  International  has  always  maintained  in  its 
constant  opposition  to  Christianity,  and  upon  his  great  personal 
love  for  liberty.  Hatred  of  despotism  and  absolutism,  under 
every  form,  was  one  of  the  strongest  traits  of  his  manly  charac- 
ter, even  as  devotion  to  the  cause  of  human  freedom  was  a 
consuming  passion  with  him.  Socialism,  therefore,  must  of 
necessity  have  been  abhorrent  to  his  finely  sensitive  nature 
which  could  never  permit  the  rights  of  others  to  be  trampled 
under  foot.  Were  ever  stronger  words  than  these  penned  in 
the  cause  of  popular  freedom  ?  ^.5 


34  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

Even  if  all  the  Utopian  dreams  of  the  Socialists  were  realized,  and 
every  one  was  fed  to  his  heart's  content  in  this  universal  labor  State, 
yet  should  I  for  all  that  prefer  to  eat  in  peace  the  potatoes  planted 
by  my  hand  and  be  clothed  with  the  skins  of  the  animals  I  reared, 
and  therewith  remain  free,  than  to  fare  sumptuously  in  the  slavery 
of  the  labor  State.  This  makes  the  collectivist  theory  utterly  de- 
testable. Slavery  come  to  life  again;  the  State  an  assemhlage  of 
slaves  without  personal  liberty  —  that  is  Socialism !  ^ 

Socialism,  as  Bishop  Ketteler  constantly  insisted,  was  but  the 
child  of  atheistic  Liberalism,  and  should  it  ever  attain  to  any 
temporary  power,  as  he  believed  was  quite  probable,  would  not 
seek  to  accomplish  the  popular  will,  but  true  to  its  Liberalistic 
origin,  would  impose  its  own  will  upon  the  people.  History 
has  here  again  proved  the  truth  of  his  words.  Communism 
and  Socialism  are  in  practice  to  be  numbered  among  the  worst 
forms  of  himian  tyranny  to  which  a  country  can  be  subjected. 
Bishop  Ketteler  had  profoundly  fathomed  the  new  movement. 

c.     Cooperative  Peoduction 

Strongly  as  Bishop  Ketteler  condemned  the  fallicies  of  Social- 
ism, he  no  less  ardently  championed  the  Christian  system  of  co- 
operative production.  'Not  the  public,  but  the  individual 
workers,  would  thus  be  the  joint  owners  of  the  industries  that 
could  be  rightfully  acquired  or  established  by  them.  Such  a 
system,  obviously,  is  not  more  Communistic  or  Socialistic  than 
any  trust  or  corporation,  but  is  strictly  based  on  the  principle  of 
private  property,  inflexibly  defended  by  Ketteler.  It  is  not  to 
be  confused  with  that  "  joint  possession  "  which  he  deprecates 
in  his  argument  against  Communism,  but  is  strictly  a  private 
ownership  by  the  workers,  who  choose  their  own  management 
and  draw  their  own  profits.  The  time,  however,  was  not  as  yet 
ripe  for  working  out  the  details  of  and  successfully  applying 
this  idea  which  so  greatly  appealed  to  him. 

On  this  subject,  as  is  well  known,  he  even  addressed  an 
anonymous  letter  to  Lassalle,  who  was  then  agitating  for  co- 
operative production  in  Germany.     Bishop  Ketteler  had  50,- 

9  From  the  fragments  of  an  unfinished  pamphlet  by  Bishop  Ketteler  on 
the  subject:  "Can  a  Catholic  Workingman  be  a  Member  of  the  Socialist 
Party?"— Otto  Pfiilf,  S.  J.,  Bishof  von  Ketteler,  III,  p.  302. 


COOPERATIVE  PRODUCTION        35 

000  Gulden  at  his  disposal  which  he  intended  to  spend  in  found- 
ing five  cooperative  productive  associations  for  the  workers. 
Incidentally  it  is  interesting  to  note  here  that  women  workers 
were  included  as  a  special  division,  in  his  scheme.  He  de- 
sired Lassalle's  advice  as  to  a  practicable  method  of  procedure, 
stating  at  the  same  time  that  his  position  did  not  make  it  pru- 
dent to  mention  his  name.  Lassalle  highly  praised  the  Bishop's 
purpose,  but  would  not  enter  into  details  while  the  name  of 
his  correspondent  was  unknown  to  him.  The  Bishop  sought 
coimsel  elsewhere,  and  the  money  finally  had  to  be  expended 
upon  a  work  of  charity  whose  obligation  rested  upon  him. 

His  interest  in  the  subject  did  not  end  here.  But  the  inci- 
dent just  recorded. formed  the  basis  of  the  oft-repeated  rumors 
of  an  alleged  connection  between  Ketteler  and  Lassalle.  The 
latter  was  even  said  to  have  been  baptized  by  the  Bishop.  The 
fact  is  that  the  two  men  never  personally  met  each  other.  Las- 
salle, indeed  took  public  occasion  to  praise  the  great  ecclesiastic 
in  the  most  unstinted  way  for  his  years  of  scientific  research, 
his  great  learning  and  the  reverence  with  which  his  words  were 
everywhere  received.  Yet  in  their  fundamental  principles  these 
two  most  prominent  social  leaders  of  their  day  were  worlds  apart. 
Lassalle,  in  fact,  though  a  foremost  promoter  of  cooperative  pro- 
ductive societies,  plainly  stated  at  a  later  period  that  he  had 
advocated  them  only  as  a  sop  thrown  to  the  people,  who  de- 
manded something  tangible  and  definite. ^*^  Of  Lassalle's  solu- 
tion by  State  subventions  Bishop  Ketteler  said: 

We  believe  that  a  decision  to  help  the  working  classes  by  means  of 
subventions  such  as  Lassalle  proposes  would  exceed  the  competence 
of  a  legislative  body  and  encroach  on  a  domain  over  which  the  State 
exercises  no  power. 

Here  in  brief  is  the  discussion  of  the  question  of  cooperative 
productive  societies,  as  we  find  it  given  in  Ketteler's  celebrated 
book  on  the  relation  of  the  labor  question  to  Christianity: 

It  is  superfluous  to  insist  on  the  importance  of  Productive  Associa- 
tions of  "Workingmen.  We  cannot  foresee  whether  it  will  ever  be 
possible  to  make  the  whole  labor  world,  or  even  the  bulk  of  it,  share 

loMetlake,  p.  104. 


36  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

in  the  benefits  they  offer.  But  there  is  something  so  grand  in  the 
idea  itself  that  it  deserves  our  sympathy  in  the  highest  degree.  So 
far  as  it  is  realizable,  it  holds  out  the  most  palpable  solution  of  the 
problem  under  discussion,  assuring  as  it  does  to  the  workman,  over 
and  above  his  daily  wages,  which  competition  has  practically  reduced 
to  a  minimum,  a  new  source  of  revenue.  Lassalle  wishes  to  carry 
out  his  project  with  the  help  of  capital  advanced  by  the  State.  This 
expedient,  at  least  if  carried  out  on  a  large  scale,  appears  to  us,  as 
we  have  said  before,  an  unjustifiable  encroachment  on  the  rights  of 
private  property  and  impossible  of  realization  without  the  gravest 
danger  to  the  public  peace.  Professor  Huber  relies  partly  on  the 
initiative  of  the  workingmen  themselves,  partly  on  private  donations, 
and  is  in  favor  of  beginning  everywhere  on  a  small  scale. 

The  question  of  cooperative  societies  is,  therefore,  primarily  a 
question  of  funds.  The  great  manufacturers  of  to-day  are  rich  cap- 
italists or  companies  with  millions  at  their  command.  The  enter- 
prises of  the  poor  workingmen,  with  little  or  no  capital,  will  be  liter- 
ally crushed  and  trampled  upon  by  the  giant  business  concerns  which 
are  becoming  more  numerous  every  day.  Wliere  can  the  workingmen 
get  the  necessary  capital  to  compete  with  them?  If  Lassalle's  plan 
is  unjustifiable  and  impracticable,  as  we  are  convinced  it  is,  and  if 
there  are  no  other  means  available  than  those  proposed  by  Huber, 
one  were  inclined  to  give  up  the  whole  idea  of  cooperative  production 
as  a  beautiful  but  barren  day-dream,  or,  at  any  rate,  to  cast  aside 
all  hope  of  realizing  it  to  such  an  extent  as  would  bring  relief  to 
any  considerable  part  of  the  vast  army  of  wage-earners.  .  .  . 

As  often  as  I  weigh  these  difficulties,  the  certainty  and  the  hope 
spring  up  within  me  that  the  forces  of  Christianity  will  take  hold 
of  this  idea  and  realize  it  on  a  grand  scale.  Vast  sums  will  be  re- 
quired, and  I  am  far  from  entertaining  the  notion  that  the  working- 
classes  will  be  suddenly  and  everywhere  relieved  from  their  distress 
by  this  means.  But  I  see  this  consummation  in  the  future  and  hope 
that  Christian  souls  will  begin  to  lay  the  foundations  for  it,  now  in 
one  place,  now  in  another.  Christianity  is  a  force  that  works  from 
within,  advances  slowlj^  but  infallibly  succeeds  in  accomplishing  the 
most  sublime  and  unlooked-for  things  for  the  welfare  of  mankind. 
No  doubt  many  things  will  happen  before  the  influence  of  Christianity 
has  gained  sufficient  ground  to  attain  the  desired  end.  It  took  cen- 
turies before  the  ancient  Romans  could  be  induced  to  set  their  slaves 
free.     Perhaps  many  a  Schulze-Delitzsch  ^^  will  have  to  appear  on  the 

11  Hermann  Schulze,  a  IManchestrian  economist,  was  born  in  Dclitzsch, 
Saxony,  1808.  The  workingmen's  unions  founded  by  him  are  known  as 
Schulze-Delitzsch  associations.  He  founded  the  first  German  loan  associa- 
tion at  Eilenberg.  His  trade  unions  were  based  upon  the  false,  Liberalistic 
principles  of  non-interference  on  the  part  of  the  State  in  industrial  ques- 
tions. All  that  the  masses  needed  to  hold  their  own  against  capital,  he 
claimed,  was  culture.     Societies  were  consequently  founded  everywhere   to 


COOPERATIVE  PEODUCTION       37 

scene  and  announce  salvation  to  the  working-classes,  before  the  last 
tower  built  by  the  last  of  them  criimbles  to  pieces  and  brings  home 
to  the  workingman  that  he  has  been  duped  once  more  and  that  his 
hopes  were  vain.  Perhaps  the  world  will  even  have  to  give  Lasalle's 
program  a  trial.  The  disastrous  consequences  sure  to  result  from  this 
dangerous  experiment,  especially  if  it  is  directed  by  unscrupulous 
demagogues,  will  convince  it  that  the  [Social]  Democrats  are  just 
as  powerless  to  cure  it  of  its  ills  as  are  the  Liberals,  because  their 
philanthropic  ideas,  too,  are  built  on  the  quicksands  of  human  specu- 
lation and  not  on  the  rock  of  Ciiristianity.  We  cannot,  therefore,  tell 
how  and  when  Christianity  will  help  the  working-classes  by  means  of 
cooperative  societies.  However,  we  do  not  doubt  that  it  will  one  day 
realize  what  is  true  and  good  and  feasible  in  the  idea.  It  is  true, 
at  the  present  moment  the  class  that  could  do  most  in  this  matter, 
viz.  the  rich  merchants,  the  captains  of  industry,  and  the  moneyed 
men  generally,  is  for  the  most  part  estranged  from  Christianity  and 
committed  body  and  soul  to  the  principles  of  Liberalism.  But  Chris- 
tianity covmts  faithful  followers  here,  too,  and  its  enemies  need  not 
always  remain  such.  There  was  a  time  when  the  ancient  patrican 
families  of  Eome  were  far  removed  indeed  from  Christianity;  when 
a  Roman  matron  daily  employed  hundreds  of  slaves  to  adorn  her 
person;  but  a  time  came  when  the  children  of  these  families  liberated 
their  slaves,  with  their  fortunes  covered  Italy  with  institutions  for 
the  poor,  and  even  sacrificed  their  lives  for  the  love  of  Christ. 
Christianity  is  so  wonderful!  Its  enemy  of  yesterday  falls  down 
today  at  the  foot  of  the  Cross,  and  the  son  gives  his  blood  for  the 
love  of  the  God  whom  his  father  blasphemed  1  The  resources  of 
Christianity  are  so  boundless  that,  if  God  wills  to  incline  the  hearts 
of  the  Christians  to  these  ideas,  the  capital  required  for  the  creation 
of  productive  associations  will  be  gradually  provided. 

There  are  two  systems  of  taxation.  The  one  is  used  by  the  State, 
the  other  by  Christianity.  The  State  levies  taxes  by  force.  It  makes 
revenue-laws,  draws  up  tax  rolls,  sends  out  tax-collectors.  Christian- 
give  a  smattering  of  irreligious,  anti-Christian  education  to  the  laborer. 
Trade  unionism  was  thus  developed  as  a  part  of  the  Liberalist  campaign 
to  promote  rationalism  and  atheism  among  the  masses  The  consequence 
was  that  the  workingman  was  left  hungry  as  before,  but  without  any 
consolation  of  religion  to  give  him  strength  and  comfort  in  life,  so  that 
he  might  firmly  struggle  upward  towards  a  true  solution  of  the  problem 
of  his  own  social  betterment.  Although  doubtless  of  some  service,  yet 
these  associations  were  preparing  the  way  for  the  equally  atheistic  Social- 
ist unions  destined  to  supplant  them.  Schulze-Delitzsch  was  for  a  time 
lifted  upon  a  pedestal  as  the  hero  of  the  hour,  until  Lassalle  ruthlessly 
broke  the  clay  feet  of  this  idol  and  he  came  crushing  down  to  earth.  Las- 
salle's  doctrines  were  equally  atheistic  and  equally  subversive  of  the  real 
good  of  the  workingman.  Both  parties,  as  Bishop  Ketteler  said,  were 
right  in  pointing  out  the  faults  of  the  existing  system,  and  both  were 
wrong  in  the  solutions  they  themselves  proposed. 


38  CHURCH  AND  LAEOR 

ity  levies  taxes  by  the  law  of  charity.  Its  assessors  and  collectors  are 
free-will  and  conscience.  The  States  of  Europe  are  staggering  under 
the  huge  burdens  of  public  debt  in  spite  of  their  compulsory  system 
of  taxation,  and  their  financial-embarrassments  have  given  birth  to 
that  mystery  of  iniquity,  gambling  on  the  stock-exchange,  with  all 
its  attendant  moral  corruption.  Christianity,  on  the  contrary,  with 
its  system  of  taxes,  has  always  found  abundant  means  for  all  its 
glorious  enterprises.  Look  at  our  churches  and  monasteries,  our 
charitable  institutions  for  the  relief  of  every  human  ailment  and  dis- 
tress, our  parishes  and  bishoprics  spread  over  the  surface  of  the 
globe;  think  of  all  the  money  that  has  been  gathered  for  the  poor, 
for  our  schools,  our  colleges  and  ancient  universities;  and  remember 
that  all  this,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  is  the  result  of  personal 
sacrifice,  and  you  will  have  some  idea  of  the  life-giving  power  of 
Christianity.  What  Christianity  was  in  past  times,  such  it  still  is 
today.  If  we  were  to  count  up  all  the  works  of  charity  founded  and 
supported  by  voluntary  contributions  during  our  own  lifetime,  what  a 
vast  sum  should  we  not  arrive  at?  During  the  last  five  years  alone 
the  Catholics  of  the  world  have  sent  twenty  million  florins  to  the 
Holy  Father.  How  can  we,  in  the  face  of  these  facts,  suppose  that 
Christianity  will  not  be  able  to  raise  the  necessary  funds  for  setting 
on  foot  enterprises  for  the  benefit  of  the  working-classes?  .  .  . 

In  our  day,  just  as  in  former  days,  there  is  no  dearth  of  men 
who  feel  impelled  to  do  good  to  their  fellow-men.  It  seems  to  me 
there  could  hardly  be  anything  more  Christian,  more  pleasing  to 
God,  than  a  society  for  the  organization  of  cooperative  associations 
on  a  Christian  basis  in  districts  where  the  distress  of  the  work- 
people cries  loudest  for  relief. 

Above  all  things,  it  is  necessary  that  the  idea  of  cooperative 
associations  and  the  ways  and  means  of  organizing  them  be  examined 
on  every  side.  For  only  when  their  importance  for  the  working- 
classes  shall  have  been  recognized  on  all  hands,  not  least  of  all  by 
the  people  themselves,  and  their  feasibility  demonstrated,  can  we  hope 
that  the  attempts  to  establish  them  will  be  multiplied.^^ 

[N'ot  only  did  Bishop  Ketteler  develop  the  idea  of  Christian  co- 
operative productive  associations,  but  he  likewise  drafted  a 
scheme  of  copartnership  that  outlines  the  essentials  of  our 
modern  plans.  Ketteler  would  have  the  business  operated 
under  one  employer  and  manager,  who  should  originally  be  the 
exclusive  owner  of  it.  While  retaining  for  himself  a  limited 
number   of  shares,   this  employer  would  then   dispose  of  all 

12  Metlake,  pp.  129-133.  Die  Arheiterfrage  und  das  Christentum,  pp. 
138-148. 


KETTELER'S  LABOR  PROGRAM      39 

the  rest  upon  easy  terms  to  his  own  employees.  In  view 
of  the  difficulties  which  cooperative  production  presented,  par- 
ticularly in  his  day  when  the  workingman  was  hopelessly  im- 
poverished and  helplessly  held  to  his  grinding  task  by  the 
Liberalism  of  the  wealthy  capitalists,  this  latter  scheme  ap- 
peared to  him  as  more  feasible : 

The  advantages  of  these  associations  are  obvious :  on  the  one  hand 
the  better  class  of  workmen  will  in  time  become  owners  of  the  busi- 
ness ;  whilst,  on  the  other,  tlie  drawbacks  of  the  productive  associations 
are  obviated  by  uniformity  of  management  and  sufficiency  of  capital.^^ 

He  thus  hoped  to  combine  the  good  features  of  the  various 
organizations,  and  was  determined  to  begin  the  work  him- 
self, as  ^letlake  says,  "  by  founding  a  grand  central  association 
for  the  organization  of  workingmen's  associations.  From  his 
own  revenue  he  is  ready  to  contribute  5,000  florins  annually  for 
six  years.  .  .  .  He  also  projected  the  founding  of  a  People's 
Bank  to  be  controlled  entirely  by  the  workingmen."  ^^  Such 
were  some  of  the  schemes  found  among  his  papers  by  his 
ibiographer,  the  Rev.  Otto  Pfiilf,  S.  J.,  whose  great  historical 
work,  in  three  volumes,  was  published  in  1899.-^^ 

Ear  in  advance  of  his  time,  and  building  in  a  glorious  optim- 
ism on  his  tirm  hope  that  the  future  must  belong  to  Christianity, 
Bishop  Ketteler's  loftiest  plans  were  not  realizable  in  his  own 
day.  They  have  been  repeated,  in  a  way  accommodated  to  our 
own  times,  in  the  American  Bishops'  program  of  "  Social  Re- 
construction." 

d.  Ivettele-r's  Labor  Program 
While  Ketteler  looked  far  into  the  future  he  did  not  neglect 
the  social  needs  of  the  immediate  present.  Eirst  and  foremost, 
as  he  understood,  was  the  need  of  labor  organization.  But  such 
associations,  to  be  truly  conducive  to  the  common  good,  must 
be  based  upon  the  principles  of  Christianity  and  inspired  by 
its  ideals.     This  truth,  so  strongly  enunciated  by  Pope  Leo 

i3Metlake,  p.  141. 
^*Ibid.,  p.   142. 

15  Bischof  von  Ketteler.  Eine  geschichtliche  Darstellung.  See  pp.  197- 
199. 


40  CHURCH  A^^D  LABOR 

XIII,  was  no  less  clearly  expressed  by  Bishop  Ketteler,  and 
led  to  bis  repeated  and  in  many  ways  successful  efforts,  to  found 
Cbristian  labor  unions.  These,  in  fact,  had  reached  an  exten- 
eive  development  when  the  KuUurhamf,  with  its  Liberalistic 
aims,  practically  destroyed  them  on  the  absurd  contention  that 
they  were  Socialistic  institutions.  The  Liberalism  of  today  is  no 
less  prompt  to  condemn  as  Socialistic  whatever  would  limit  its 
arbitrary  power  or  lessen  its  possibilities  of  exploiting  the 
laborer  or  the  public.  Christian  social  leaders  need  never  hope 
to  find  favor  in  its  eyes.  Even  Bishop  Ketteler  himself,  like 
Our  Divine  Saviour,  was  accused  of  stii-ring  up  the  masses. 
In  the  following  passage  he  traces  historically  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  gilds  in  modem  times.  These,  institutions,  he  well 
knew,  could  not  have  continued  in  their  old  form,  but  called  for 
ii  transformation  and  adaptation,  that  would  still  have  enabled 
them  to  retain  their  original  spirit.  It  was  this  that  had  made 
them  so  effective  in  the  days  of  their  highest  development. 

The  working-classes  have  passed  through  the  same  phases  as  the 
old  State  and  the  old  social  order.  The  Physiocrats  of  the  last  cen- 
tury made  the  organization  of  labor  responsible  for  all  the  economic 
evils  of  the  people,  instead  of  looking  for  their  true  origin  in  its 
degeneration,  its  egotistical  ossification  and  in  the  patent  fact  that 
this  organization  had  not  been  developed  to  meet  changed  conditions. 
And  so  they  annihilated  the  grand  constitution  of  labor  handed  on 
to  them  by  the  Middle  Ages,  instead  of  reforming  it  and  incorporat- 
ing with  it  all  those  portions  of  the  toiling  masses  that  were  still 
excluded  from  it.|  This  demolition  they  called  restoration  of  the 
natural  order  —  le  gouvernement  de  la  nature.  Organization  of  labor 
was  in  their  eyes  contrary  to  nature.  They  were  confident  that  the 
destruction  of  the  old  organization  of  labor  and  the  inauguration  of 
their  pretended  order  of  nature  would  bring  about  world-wide  wel- 
fare and  contentment  among  the  working-classes.  They  applied  their 
so-called  system  of  nature  with  such  fanaticism  that  the  French 
National  Convention  forbade  the  artisans  to  discuss  their  interests 
in  common,  because  they  looked  upon  such  a  proceeding  as  an 
obstacle  to  freedom  of  trade  and  of  intercourse  between  man  and 
man,  and  as  a  revival  of  the  gild  system.  The  politicians  acted  in 
exactly  the  same  manner  in  their  province.  Complete  disorganization 
of  the  State,  of  society,  and  of  labor ;  the  powers  of  the  State 
vested  in  a  bureaucratic  officialdom  on  the  one  side,  and  on  the 
other,  unbridled  competition  amongst  the  people  dissolved  into 
isolated  individuals  under  the  sole  Control  of  an  absolute  monarch 


KETTELER'S  LABOR  PROGRAM      41 

or  an  equally  absolute  National  Assembly, —  this  is  the  natural  law 
of  the  Revolution.  Such  too  is  the  spirit  of  Liberalism,  not  merely 
the  spirit  of  its  economic  teachings  but  also  of  its  politics  and  of 
its  social  theories.  The  tendency  of  our  times  to  return  to  corpora- 
tive forms,  far  from  being  a  product  of  Liberalism,  is  on  the  con- 
trary a  reaction  against  the  unnaturalness  of  its  pretended  natural 
law." 

In  his  book  on  Christianity  and  the  labor  problem  Bishop 
Ketteler  thus  further  develops  his  views  on  labor  unionism: 

^  Whoever  works  for  another  and  is  forced  to  do  so  all  his  life,  has 
a  moral  right  to  demand  security  for  a  permanent  livelihood.  All 
the  other  classes  of  society  enjoy  such  security.  Why  should  the 
working-classes  alone  be  deprived  of  it?  Why  should  the  toiler  alone 
have  to  go  to  his  work,  day  after  day,  haunted  by  the  thought :  "  I 
do  not  know  whether  to-morrow  I  shall  still  have  the  wages  on 
which  my  existence  and  the  existence  of  my  wife  and  children  de- 
pend. Who  knows?  perhaps  to-morrow  a  crowd  of  famished  work- 
men wiU  come  from  afar  and  rob  me  of  my  employment  by  imder- 
bidding  me,  and  my  wife  or  children  must  work  or  starve."  The 
wealthy  capitalist  finds  protection  a  hundredfold  in  his  capital,  com- 
petition is  scarcely  more  than  an  idle  word  for  him;  but  the  work- 
man must  have  no  protection:  hence  the  fierce  abuse  so  persistently 
heaped  on  the  trade  gilds.  I  am  far  from  pretending  that  the  gild 
system  had  no  weak  points.  Authority  has  often  been  abused;  but 
it  has  not  on  that  account  been  abolished.  Many  abuses,  too,  crept 
into  the  trade  gilds  for  want  of  proper  supervision  and  timely  ad- 
justment to  new  conditions;  but  the  system  itself  rested  on  a  right 
principle,  which  should  have  been  retained,  and  could  have  been  re- 
tained without  detriment  to  a  healthy  development  of  industrial 
liberty.  ... 

The  fundamental  characteristic  of  the  labor  movements  of  our 
day,  that  which  gives  them  their  importance  and  significance  and 
really  constitutes  their  essence,  is  the  tendency,  everywhere  rife 
among  the  workingmen,  to  organize  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  a 
hearing  for  their  just  claims  by  united  action.  To  this  tendency, 
which  is  not  only  justified  but  necessary  under  existing  economic 
conditions,  the  Church  cannot  but  gladly  give  her  sanction  and  sup- 
port. 

It  would  be  a  great  folly  on  our  part  if  we  kept  aloof  from  this 
movement  merely  because  it  happens  at  the  present  time  to  be 
promoted  chiefly  by  men  who  are  hostile  to  Christianity.  The  air 
remains  God's  air  though  breathed  by  an  atheist,  and  the  bread  we 

isMetlake,  pp.  210,  211.  From  analysis  of  Article  XII  of  Ketteler'a 
socio-political  program,  published  in  1873. 


42  CHURCH  AXD  LABOR 

eat  is  no  less  the  nourishment  provided  for  us  by  God  though  kneaded 
by  an  unbeliever.  It  is  the  same  with  unionism:  it  is  an  idea  that 
rests  on  the  Divine  order  of  things  and  is  essentially  Christirn, 
though  the  men  who  favor  it  most  do  not  recognize  the  finger  of 
God  in  it  and  often  even  turn  it  to  a  wicked  use. 

Unionism  however  is  not  merely  legitimate  in  itself  and  worthy.of 
our  support,  but  Christianity  alone  commands  the  indispensable  ele- 
ments for  directing  it  properly  and  making  it  a  real  and  lasting 
benefit  to  the  working  classes.  Just  as  the  great  truths  which  up- 
lift and  educate  the  workingman,  his  individuality  and  personality, 
are  Christian,  truths,  so  also  Christianity  has  the  great  ideas  and 
living  forces  capable  of  imparting  life  and  vigor  to  the  working- 
men's   associations.  .  .  . 

When  men  combine  in  a  Christian  spirit,  there  subsists  among 
them,  independently  of  the  direct  purpose  of  their  association,  a 
nobler  bond  which,  like  a  beneficent  sun,  pours  out  its  light  and 
warmth  over  all.  Faith  and  charity  are  for  them  the  source  of  life 
and  light  and  vigor.  Before  they  came  together  to  attain  a  ma- 
terial object,  they  were  already  united  in  this  tree  of  life  planted 
by  God  on  the  earth ;  it  is  this  spiritual  union  that  gives  life  to 
their  social  union.  In  a  word,  Christian  associations  are  living 
organisms;  the  associations  founded  under  the  auspices  of  modern 
Liberalism  are  nothing  but  agglomerations  of  individuals  held  to- 
gether solely  by  the  hope  of  present  mutual  profit  or  usefulness. 

The  future  of  unionism  belongs  to  Christianity.  The  ancient 
Christian  corporations  have  been  dissolved  and  men  are  still  zeal- 
ously at  work  trying  to  remove  the  last  remnants,  the  last  stone,  of 
this  splendid  edifice;  a  new  building  is  to  replace  it.  But  this  is 
only  a  wretched  hut  —  built  upon  sand.  Christianity  must  raise 
a  new  structure  on  the  old  foundations  and  thus  give  back:  to  the 
workingmen's  associations  their  real  significance  and  their  real  use- 
fulness ^'^ 

Bishop  Ketteler  was  right  in  pronouncing  the  doom  of  the 
labor  unions  founded  by  Liberalism.  He  was  right  also  in 
maintaining  that  while  Socialism  would  probably  have  its  day, 
the  future  must  belong  to  Christianity.  Certainly  there  can 
be  no  solution  of  the  social  problem  until  the  principles  of 
Christianity  are  recognized.  The  failure  of  godless  Socialism 
is  as  certain  as  the  failure  of  Liberalistic  capitalism.  Through 
sufferings,  dissapointments  and  disillusionments,  if  in  no  other 
way,  must  mankind  again  be  brought  back  to  Christ,  the  one 

if  Die  Arbeiterfrage  und  das  Christentum,  pp.  26  ff.  and  130  j5^.  Metlake, 
pp.  134,  127  #. 


KETTELER'S  LABOR  PROGRAM      43 

Truth,  and  Life  and  Light  of  all  the  world,  the  one  Way  for  all 
our  social  relations,  and  even  for  labor  unionism. 

Here  then  are  some  of  the  principles  laid  down  for  capital 
and  labor  by  the  great  Bishop,  the  first  leader  of  the  modem 
Christian  social  movement.  They  are  taken  from  his  famous 
sermon  on  the  relation  of  the"  labor  movement  to  religion  and 
Christianity,  which  was  preached  before  about  10,000  work- 
ingmen  at  the  popular  shrine  of  Our  Lady,  at  the  Liehfrauen- 

He  begins  by  justifying  the  demand  made  for  an  increase  of 
wages,  at  a  time  when  capitalism  was  heartlessly  despoiling  the 
worker.  "  Economic  Liberalism,"  he  says,  "  making  abstrac- 
tion of  all  religion  and  morality,  not  only  degraded  labor  to  the 
level  of  a  commodity,  but  looked  on  man  himself,  with  his 
capacity  for  work,  simply  as  a  machine  bought  as  cheaply  as 
possible  and  driven  until  it  will  go  no  more."  Human  labor, 
he  proclaims,  is  not  an  article  of  merchandise  and  may  not  be 
simply  appraised  according  to  the  fluctuations  of  supply  and  de- 
mand. But  while  defending  the  just  cause  of  labor,  he  no  less 
unerringly  points  out  its  duty  and  the  restrictions  that  religion 
and  morality  necessarily  place  upon  it,  both  for  its  own  and 
for  the  common  good : 

In  your  efforts  to  obtain  higher  wages,  you  have  need  of  religion 
and  morality  in  order  not  to  carry  your  demands  too  far.  We  have 
already  seen  that  there  is  a  limit  to  the  increase  of  wages.  Hence, 
in  our  time,  when  the  movements  among  the  working-classes  for 
the  amelioration  of  their  material  condition  are  assuming  larger 
proportions  from  day  to  day,  it  is  of  the  highest  importance  not  to 
exaggerate  this  demand :  the  workingman  can  be  only  too  easily 
imposed  upon  and  the  power  of  organization  used  to  wrong  purposes. 
The  object  of  the  labor  movement  must  not  be  war  between  the 
workingman  and  the  employer,  but  peac.e  on  equitable  terms  be- 
tween both. 

The  impiety  of  capital,  which  would  treat  the  workingman  like 
a  machine,  must  be  broken.  It  is  a  crime  against  the  working- 
classes;  it  degrades  them.  It  fits  in  with  the  theory  of  those  who 
would  trace  man's  descent  to  the  ape.  But  the  impiety  of  labor 
must  also  be  guarded  against.     If  the  movement  in  favor  of  higher 

18  Die  Arheiterheioegung  und  ihr  Streben,  im  Verhdltniss  zur  Religion 
und  Sittlichkeit,  pp.  4-22.     Metlake,  pp.  159-171. 


44  CHURCH  AXD  LABOR 

wages  oversteps  the  bounds  of  justice,  catastrophes  must  necessarily 
ensue,  the  whole  weight  of  which  will  recoil  on  the  working-classes. 
Capitalists  are  seldom  at  a  loss  for  lucrative  investments.  When  it 
comes  to  the  worst  they  can  speculate  in  Government  securities. 
But  the  workman  is  in  a  far  different  position.  When  the  busi- 
ness in  which  he  is  employed  comes  to  a  standstill,  unemployment 
stares  him  in  the  face.  Besides,  exorbitant  wage-demands  affect  not 
only  the  large  business  concerns  controlled  by  the  capitalists,  but 
also  the  smaEer  ones  in  the  hands  of  the  middle  classes  and  the 
daily  earnings  of  master-workmen  and  handicraftsmen.  But  if  the 
working-classes  are  to  observe  just  moderation  in  their  demands, 
if  they  are  to  escape  the  danger  of  becoming  mere  tools  in  the  hands 
of  ambitious  and  unscrupulous  demagogues,  if  they  wish  to  keep 
clear  of  the  inordinate  selfishness  which  they  condemn  so  severely 
in  the  capitalist,  they  must  be  filled  with  a  lofty  moral  sense,  their 
ranks  must  be  made  up  of  courageous,  Christian,  religious  men. 
The  power  of  money  without  religion  is  an  evil,  but  the  power  of 
organized  labor  without  religion  is  just  as  great  an  evil.  Both  lead 
to  destruction.^^ 

This  certainly  is  a  wholesome  lesson  that  retains  its  full 
force  today,  or  rather  is  doubly  applicable  now. 

In  the  next  place  he  considers  the  workingman's  demand  for 
shorter  hours.  Hours  of  labor  were  then,  as  a  consequence  of 
the  irreligious  Liberalism,  often  inhumanly  long.  A  Trade 
Law  was  enacted  in  1869  which  at  least  limited  the  work  of 
boys  between  fourteen  and  sixteen  years  to  ten  hours.  But 
the  law  itself  was  not  observed,  and  Ketteler  protested  that  it 
must  be  applied  to  all  workers  alike.  This  was  a  step  vastly 
in  advance  of  his  time.  He  further  insisted  on  the  inexorable 
enforcement  of  such  legislation  by  the  most  feasible  means,  to 
which  we  shall  later  have  occasion  to  refer. 

While  the  demand  for  reasonable  hours  is  strongly  sustained 
by  Ketteler,  he  would  never  have  countenanced  the  exaggerated 
demands  so  common  today  for  an  unreasonable  shortening  of 
hours  which  means  under-production  in  industry  and  suffer- 
ing for  the  people,  and  which  can  only  end  in  moral  as  well 
as  economic  ruin  for  the  workers.  There  is  a  limit  beyond 
which  hours  cannot  be  shortened,  though  in  some  industries 
there  is  doubtless  reason  for  shorter  hours  than  in  others. 
Shorter   hours   themselves,    as   Ketteler   earnestly    warns    the 

19  Ibid. 


KETTELER'S  LABOR  PROORAM       45 

workers,  will  be  of  no  avail  to  them  if  they  squander  their 
leisure  time  in  irreligion  and  immorality.  This  again  is  a 
ti-uth  to  be  brought  home  today,  when  the  deflection  from  the 
Faith  of  their  fathers  has  robbed  men  both  of  joy  in  their  work 
and  of  happiness  in  their  homes,  which  in  countless  instances 
are  broken  up  by  the  pagan  evil  of  divorce.  To  quote  the 
words  of  Bishop  Ketteler: 

Wherever  capitalists,  ignoring  the  dignity  of  man,  have  acted  on 
the  principles  of  modern  political  economy,  wages  have  been  reduced 
to  a  minimum  and  working  hours  have  been  prolonged  to  the  limits 
of  human  endurance,  and  beyond  them.  The  workman  cannot  be 
kept  going  day  and  night,  like  a  machine,  but  for  all  that  the  im- 
possible was  expected  from  him.  Hence,  wherever  the  hours  of  work 
are  lengthened  beyond  the  limits  fixed  by  nature,  the  workingmen 
have  an  indisputable  right  to  combat  this  abuse  of  the  power  of 
wealth  by  well-directed  concerted  action. 

But  here  again,  my  dear  workmen,  the  real  value  of  your  efforts 
depends  on  religion  and  morality.  If  the  workman  uses  the  hour 
thus  put  at  his  disposal  to  fulfil  in  the  bosom  of  his  family  the 
duties  of  a  good  father  or  a  dutiful  son,  to  tend  to  the  affairs  of 
the  house,  to  cultivate  the  plot  of  ground  he  calls  his  own,  then  this 
hour  will  be  of  untold  value  to  himself  and  his  family.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  he  throws  it  away  in  bad  company,  on  the  streets,  in  the 
tavern,  it  will  neither  profit  his  health  nor  his  temporal  or  spiritual 
prosperity.  It  will  simply  serve  to  undermine  his  constitution,  to 
disfigure  the  image  of  God  in  his  soul,  and  to  dissipate  his  wages  all 
the  more  quickly  and  surely.^** 

These  truths  are  again  insisted  upon  where  he  speaks  of  the 
third  demand  of  the  working  people:  days  of  rest.  This  de- 
mand, he  says,  is  perfectly  legitimate.  "  The  culprits  are  not 
merely  the  wealthy  entrepreneurs  who  force  their  workmen 
to  work  on  Sundays,  but  also  all  tradesmen,  landowners  and 
masters  generally  who  deprive  their  servants,  '  hands  '  or  clerks 
of  their  well-earned  Sunday  rest."  Liberalism  counted  up  the 
Sundays  and  holydays  of  the  Church  and  lamented  hypocriti- 
cally the  loss  in  wages  they  implied  to  the  worker.  The  simple 
solution,  Bishop  Ketteler  tells  them,  "  would  be  to  give  the 
worker  as  much  pay  for  six  days'  work  as  he  now  receives  for 
seven."     The  logic  of  such  an  argument  was  beyond  the  capa- 

» Ibid. 


46  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

city  of  Liberalism  to  comprehend.     Yet  for  the  workman,  too, 
the  great  friend  of  labor  has  a  word  of  earnest  counsel : 

But,  my  dear  workmen,  it  is  not  enough  that  the  labor  leaders  and 
the  labor  organs  insist  on  days  of  rest.  Each  one  of  you  must  work 
to  this  end  by  scrupulously  keeping  holy  the  Sabbath  Day.  There 
are  still,  unfortunately,  very  many  workmen,  who,  without  being 
obliged,  and  simply  for  lucre's  sake,  work  on  Sxmdays.  Such  men 
sin  not  merely  against  God  and  His  commandment,  but  really  and 
truly  against  the  whole  body  of  work-people,  because  by  their  base 
cupidity  they  furnish  the  employers  with  a  ready-made  excuse 
for  refusing  days  of  rest  to  all  without  exception.  May  all  the 
workpeople,  not  excepting  the  servant-girl  whom  a  heartless  mis- 
tress over-burdens  with  work,  and  the  humble  railway-employee  for 
whom  wealthy  corporations  have  made  Sunday  a  dead  letter,  with 
one  voice  reclaim  this  right  as  a  right  of  man.  To  what  purpose  have 
the  so-called  rights  of  man  been  laid  down  in  our  Constitutions  so 
long  as  capital  is  free  to  trample  them  under  foot  ? 

It  is  certain  that  you  have  religion  on  your  side  in  your  demand 
for  days  of  rest;  it  is  certain  also  that  all  the  efforts  of  the  work- 
ing-classes would  be  of  no  avail  if  they  were  not  sustained  by  the 
power  of  religion  and  the  Divine  Precept:  *' Remember  thou  keep 
holy  the  Sabbath  Day."  But  it  is  no  less  certain  that  this  weekly  day 
of  rest  will  profit  you,  your  health,  your  soul,  your  families,  from 
whom  your  work  keeps  you  away  so  much  during  the  week,  only  if  you 
remain  intimately  united  with  the  Church.  Without  religion  the 
days  of  rest  will  serve  no  other  purpose  than  to  bring  ruin  on  the 
workman  and  his  family.  What  is  called  "blue  Monday"  is  noth- 
ing else  but  Sunday  spent  without  religion.  .  .  .  Your  own  experi- 
ence is  able  to  furnish  you  with  examples  enough  of  the  vast  dif- 
ference between  a  workingman's  family  in  which  the  day  of  rest  is 
spent  in  harmony  with  the  principles  of  religion  and  one  in  which 
religion  is  ignored.  A  Christian  Sunday  is  a  blessing;  a  Sunday 
passed  in  the  saloon,  in  bad  company,  in  drimkenness,  in  impurity, 
is  a  curse.^^ 

These  thoughts  are  further  developed  by  him  in  a  pastoral  let- 
ter that  incidentally  describes,  in  Ketteler's  happy  vein,  the 
spiritual  significance  of  the  change  from  work-a-day  clothes  to 
the  Sunday  attire.  Labor,  he  says,  recalls  to  mind  the  punish- 
ment God  has  attached  to  sin.  No  one  is  to  seek  to  avoid  his 
due  task,  or  fail  religiously  to  perform  it,  in  whatever  trade, 
profession,  or  employment  he  may  be  engaged.     On  the  other 

SI  Ibid. 


KETTELER'S  LABOR  PROGRAM      47 

hand,  the  days  of  rest  are  to  he  regarded  as  a  foretaste  of  the 
time  when  God  would  lift  from  us  our  burdens.  So,  theref ore, 
he  tells  the  laborer : 

When  you  lay  aside  your  work-day  clothes  and  put  on  your  Sunday 
dress,  it  should  remind  you  that  you  are  approaching  the  day  when 
the  Saviour  Himself  will  divest  you  of  the  garments  of  servitude 
and  sin,  and  will  put  upon  you,  for  all  eternity,  the  robe  and  the  ring 
of  a  child  of  God,  the  veritable  Sunday  attire.^^ 

On  the  fourth  demand  made  by  the  working  classes  of  the  day 
— the  prohibition  of  child  labor  in  factories — he  expresses  him- 
self in  strongest  terms.  As  early  as  the  year  1869  he  lays  dowm 
the  rule  that  no  child  should  be  permitted  to  work  in  a  fac- 
tory under  the  age  of  fourteen,  and  in  his  discussion  elsewhere 
of  the  Trade  Law  of  June  21,  1869,  he  positively  states  that 
even  the  age  of  fourteen  is  too  early  to  remove  a  child  from 
the  atmosphere  of  the  home.  The  child's  character,  he  there 
argues,  is  not  sufficiently  formed  as  yet  to  resist  the  tempta- 
tions and  evil  influences  to  which  factory  life  is  likely  to  expose 
it.  In  the  following  statement  concerning  the  workers'  demand 
in  this  matter  he  obviously  insists  merely  upon  what  he  re- 
gards the  maximum  then  attainable : 

I  regret  to  say  that  this  demand  is  not  as  general  as  it  ought  to 
be,  and  that  many  workmen  send  their  children  to  the  mills  and 
factories  in  order  to  increase  their  income.  It  would  be  more  cor- 
rect to  say  that  it  is  a  demand  made  by  certain  spokesmen  of  the 
labor  organizations.  Fritzsche,  the  president  of  the  Cigar  Makers' 
Union,  has  been  especially  active  in  this  matter.  He  brought  in  a 
motion  in  the  Parliament  of  the  North  German  Confederation  to  have 
child  labor  prohibited  by  law.  Unfortunately  his  motion  was  thrown 
out.  Child  labor  was  restricted  but  not  forbidden.  I  deplore  this 
action  of  the  legislature  profoundly,  and  look  on  it  as  a  victory  of 
materialism  over  moral  principles.  My  own  observations  are  in  full 
accord  with  the  statements  of  Fritzsche  on  the  bad  effects  of  factory 
labor  on  children.  I  know  right  well  what  arguments  are  brought 
forward  to  excuse  it,  and  I  am  also  aware  that  even  some  who  are 
well-disposed  toward  the  working-classes  wish  to  see  child  labor 
tolerated  to  a  certain  extent.  Children  are  in  duty  bound,  these 
men  argue,  to  help  their  parents  in  the  labors  of  the  house  and 
the  field,  why  debar  them  from  the  factory?     These  people  forget 

22  Hirtenhriefe,  pp.  169,  170. 


48  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

that  there  is  a  vast  difference  between  work  at  home  and  work  in 
a  factory.  Factory  work  quenches,  as  it  were,  the  family  spirit 
in  the  child,  and  this  is,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  the  greatest 
danger  that  threatens  the  working-classes  in  our  day.  Moreover, 
it  robs  the  child  of  the  time  it  should  devote  to  innocent,  joyous 
recreation  so  necessary  at  this  period  of  life.  Lastly,  the  factory 
undermines  the  bodily  and  spiritual  health  of  the  child.  I  regard 
child  labor  in  factories  as  a  monstrous  cruelty  of  our  time,  a  cruelty 
committed  against  the  child  by  the  spirit  of  the  age  and  the  selfish- 
ness of  parents.  I  look  on  it  as  a  slow  poisoning  of  the  body  and 
the  soul  of  the  child.  With  the  sacrifice  of  the  joys  of  childhood, 
with  the  sacrifice  of  health,  with  the  sacrifice  of  innocence,  the  child 
is  condemned  to  increase  the  profits  of  the  entrepreneur  and  often- 
times to  earn  bread  for  parents  whose  dissolute  life  has  made  them 
incapable  of  doing  so  themselves.  Hence  I  rejoice  at  every  word 
spoken  in  favor  of  the  workingman's  child.  Religion  in  its  great 
love  for  children  cannot  but  support  the  demand  for  the  prohibition 
of  child  labor  in  factories.  You,  my  dear  workmen,  can  second  this 
demand  most  efficaciously  by  never  permitting  your  own  children 
under  fourteen  years  of  age  to  work  in  a  factory.-^ 

The  fifth  demand  of  the  workers  to  which  he  calls  attention 
i.^:  "  that  women,  especially  mothers  of  families,  be  prohibited 
from  working  in  factories."  With  this  desire  Ketteler  heartily 
sympathized,  although  he  fully  understood  the  economic  stress 
that  often  drove  woman  into  the  factory.  Like  every  Catholic 
sociologist  he  insists :  "  Religion  wants  the  mother  to  pass  the 
day  at  home  in  order  that  she  may  fulfill  her  high  and  holy 
mission  towards  her  husband  and  her  children,"  and  so,  as  he 
needed  not  to  add,  towards  society.  This  did  not  imply  that 
other  social  duties  were  not  incumbent  upon  her,  but  only  in 
such  measure  as  would  not  interfere  with  her  first  and  greatest 
duty  in  the  home.  Aside  from  the  considerations  of  wifehood 
and  motherhood,  "  the  proportion  of  women  in  industry,"  as 
the  American  Bishops  have  well  said,  "  ought  to  be  kept  within 
the  smallest  practical  limits."  ^^  But  the  duty  of  motherhood 
is  entirely  incompatible  with  such  work :  "  If  the  mother  is 
snatched  from  her  sacred  home  duties,"  said  Bishop  Ketteler  in 
connection  with  the  Trade  Law  referred  to  above,  "  and  turned 
into  a  wage-earning  workwoman,  there  can  be  no  question  of 

2S  Die  Arheierhewegung,  etc.,  I.  c. 
2*  Social  Reconstruction,  p.    13. 


KETTELER'S  LABOR  PROGRAM       49 

a  Christian  family."     Destroying  the  Christian  family  you  de- 
stroy all  hope  of  true  social  progress. 

Hence  also  the  complete  agreement  on  the  part  of  Bishop 
Ketteler  with  the  sixth  demand  of  labor  which  he  says  follows 
as  a  corollary  from  the  former,  that:  "  Young  girls  should  not 
in  future  be  employed  in  factory  work."  In  this  connection 
he  already  mentions  the  argument  that  because  girls  can  live 
for  far  less  than  a  workingman,  their  indiscriminate  employ- 
ment must  necessarily  have  a  depressing  effect  upon  the  scale 
of  wages  paid  to  men.  But  his  great  reason  is  drawn  from 
the  prejudicial  consequences  to  the  morals  of  the  girls  and  so 
of  the  future  families  of  the  land : 

Workmen  themselves  have  repeatedly  called  attention  to  these  sad 
consequences.  In  their  meetings  such  striking  argumentation  as  the 
following  has  been  heard:  "We  want  good  and  happy  families;  but 
to  have  good  and  happy  families  we  must  have  pure,  virtuous 
mothers;  now,  where  can  we  find  these  if  our  young  girls  are  lured 
into  tlie  factories  and  are  there  inoculated  with  the  germs  of  im- 
pudence and  immorality  ? "  I  cannot  tell  you,  my  dear  workmen, 
how  deeply  such  words  coming  from  the  ranks  of  the  working- 
classes  touched  and  gladdened  my  heart.  Ten  years  ago,  when  the 
labor  movement  was  still  in  its  infancy  among  us,  such  sentiments 
were  hardly  heard  anywhere  except  from  our  Christian  pulpits.  The 
Liberals  were  insensible  to  the  moral  dangers  to  which  the  daughters 
of  the  workman  were  exposed.  When  these  poor  creatures  were 
utterly  corrupted  in  the  factory,  their  employers  still  had  the 
effrontery  to  pose  as  their  benefactors,  because,  thanks  to  them,  they 
were  earning  so  many  cents  a  day.  The  dangers  of  factory  life  to 
the  morals  of  the  .young  working-girls,  and  therefore  to  the  family 
of  the  workman,  are  beginning  to  be  recognized  more  and  more 
even  by  the  factory-owners  themselves.  This  is  a  happy  symptom  and 
shows  once  more  that  the  labor  question,  like  all  other  great  social 
questions,  is  in  the  last  analysis  a  question  of  religion  and  moral- 
ity." 

At  the  famous  Fulda  Conference  of  the  German  Bishops, 
in  September,  1869,  Bishop  Ketteler  read  his  epoch-making 
paper  "  On  the  Care  of  the  Church  for  Factory  Workpeople, 
Journeymen,  Apprentices  and  Servant  Girls."  After  showing 
the  duty  of  the  Church  to  help  in  the  solution  of  this  problem, 

25  Op.  cit. 


50  CHURCH  AND  LAEOR 

he  descended  to  a  consideration  of  specific  measures  to  be 
adopted.  Mentioning  the  eleven  divisions  under  which  the 
official  report  of  the  Prize  Jury  of  the  Paris  Exposition  had 
grouped  its  proposed  remedies,  he  added  the  following  pro- 
gram of  "  Legal  Protections  for  Workingmen  " : 

1.  Prohibition  of  child  labor  in  factories. 

2.  Limitation  of  working-hours  for  lads  employed  in  factories, 
in  the  interest  of  their  corporal  and  intellectual  weKare. 

3.  Separation  of  the  sexes  in  the  workshops. 

4.  Closing   of  unsanitary  workshops. 

5.  Legal  regulation  of  working  hours. 

6.  Sunday  rest. 

7.  Obligation  of  caring  for  workmen  who,  through  no  fault  of 
theirs,  are  temporarily  or  forever  incapacitated  for  work  in  the  busi- 
ness in  which  they  are  employed. 

8.  A  law  protecting  and  favoring  cooperative  associations  of 
workingmen. 

9.  Appointment  by  the  State  of  factory  inspectors.^* 

It  will  be  noticed  that  we  have  not  progressed  far,  if  at  all, 
beyond  the  position  occupied  more  than  half  a  century  ago  by 
this  progressive  Catholic  Bishop.  He  drew  up  his  program, 
let  us  further  remember,  almost  a  quarter  of  a  century  before 
the  publication  of  the  great  Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII,  on 
the  "  Condition  of  the  Working  Classes."  Nor  have  we  gone 
beyond  him  in  our  methods  of  enforcing  such  legislation  as  has 
been  passed  by  us,  when  indeed  we  do  not  merely  accumulate 
a  ridiculous  mass  of  petty  regulations  and  forthmth  forget  all 
about  them,  or  conveniently  ignore  their  existence.  On  this 
point  the  Bishop  says  elsewhere*  in  his  famous  draught  of  a 
political  program  which  he  hoped  might  be  accepted  by  all  men 
of  good  will: 

But  all  these  laws  will  afford  no  eflBcacious  protection  to  the  work- 
ing classes  unless-  their  observance  is  everywhere  assured  by  legal 
control.  Whether  the  best  means  of  control  would  be  to  appoint 
factory  inspectors,  as  is  done  in  England,  or  to  choose  supervisors 
from  among  the  workpeople  themselves,  as  some  propose  to  do,  or 
to  combine  both  systems,  is  a  question  we  do  not  venture  to  pro- 
nounce upon.     Whatever  be  the  method  adopted,  however,  the  con- 

26Metlake,  pp.  180,  181. 


KETTELEE'S  LABOR  PEOGRAM  51 

trol  must  be  extended  to  moral  and  sanitary  conditions  in  the  work- 
shops.^*' 

In  the  brochure  referred  to  here  Bishop  Ketteler  lays  down 
a  complete  national  program,  political,  religious,  educational, 
as  well  as  social.  Under  the  latter  subject  we  may  group  the 
two  following  clauses: 

XI.  Regulation  of  the  public  debt,  diminution  of  the  public 
burdens,  proper  adjustment  of  taxes.  We  propose  the  following 
ameliorations : 

1.  Introduction  of  a  stock  exchange  tax.  (Such  laws  were  later 
introduced  in  1885,  1894,  1900,  1905.) 

2.  Introduction  of  an  income  tax  for  joint  stock  companies. 
(Actualized  in  the  law  of  July  27,  1885.) 

3.  State  management  of  railways.  (Actualized  at  the  end  of  the 
'seventies.) 

4.  Keduction  of  the  war  budget.  (Bishop  Ketteler's  advice  was 
not  followed.     Well  for  all  if  it  had  been!) 

5.  Exemption  of  the  necessaries  of  life  from  taxation. 

XII.  Corporate  reorganization  of  the  working  classes. 

1.  Legal  protection  of  the  children  and  wives  of  workmen  against 
the  exploitation  of  capital. 

2.  Protection  of  the  workman's  strength  by  laws  regulating  hours 
of  labor  and  Sunday  rest. 

3.  Ivcgal  protection  of  the  health  and  morality  of  work  people  in 
mines,  factories,  workshops,  etc. 

4.  Appointment  of  inspectors  to  watch  over  the  carrying  out  of 
the  factory  laws.-^ 

If  in  answer  to  these  demands  for  social  legislation  Bis- 
marck gave  Germany  the  Eulturkamf,  yet  Ketteler  and  not 
Bismarck  triumphed  in  the  end ;  and  his  reforms  won  the  day. 
But  great  was  to  be  the  sea  of  bitterness  that  was  to  engulf  the 
people  when  in  spite  of  the  voice  of  Ketteler  and  his  Catholic 
countrymen,  so  many  turned  from  Christianity  to  the  godless 
Socialism  of  Marx,  Engels,  Bebel,  Liebknecht  and  the  rest. 
The  same  was  to  be  true  of  other  great  nations.  Labor,  in  turn- 
ing from  Christ,  can  only  find  its  own  undoing.  Splendidly 
did  Ketteler  express  this  truth  in  the  very  last  Pastorals  ad- 
dressed to  his  flock.  Here  is  his  chain  of  social  logic  whose 
every  link  is  purest  gold: 

^T  Die  KathoUken  im  deutschen  Reiche.     Metlake,  213,  214. 
2»Ibid.    Metlake,  p.  208. 


52  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

The  most  fatal  error  of  our  time  is  the  delusion  that  mankind  can 
be  made  happj  without  religion  and  Christianity.  There  are  cer- 
tain truths  which  cling  together  like  the  links  of  a  chain:  they 
cannot  be  torn  asunder  because  God  has  joined  them.  Among  these 
truths  are  the  following: 

There  is  no  true  morality  without  God,  no  right  knowledge  of 
God  without  Christ,  no  real  Christ  without  His  Church.  Where 
the  Church  is  not,  there  true  knowledge  of  God  perishes.  Where 
true  knowledge  of  God  is  not,  there  morality  succumbs  in  the  struggle 
with  sin,  with  selfishness  and  sensuality,  with  the  lust  of  the  eyes, 
the  lust  of  the  flesh,  and  the  pride  of  life.  But  where  morality  is 
not,  there  is  no  means  left  of  making  the  people  happy  and  pros- 
perous. In  such  a  state  men  are  ruled  by  their  passions.  They  are 
the  slaves  of  the  tyrants  of  avarice  and  lust,  in  whose  service  the 
powerful  oppress  the  weak,  and  the  weak  in  their  turn  rise  up  against 
the  powerful,  and  if  they  conquer,  become  the  willing  tools  of  the  self- 
same tyrants,  their  passions.  War  without  end  will  be  waged  between 
the  ivich  and  the  poor;  peace  on  earth  among  them  is  impossible. 
Intimately,  inseparably,  is  the  welfare  of  the  people  bound  up  with 
religion  and  morality. 

A  perfectly  just  distribution  of  the  goods  of  earth  will  never 
take  place,  because  God  has  entrusted  the  higher  moral  order  to  the 
free  will  of  men,  only  a  portion  of  whom  subject  their  will  to  God. 
But  in  a  truly  Christian  nation  the  difference  between  the  rich  and 
poor  will  always  be  adjusted  in  the  best  possible  way.^^ 

There  are  finally  those  who  believe  today,  as  in  the  days 
of  Ketteler,  that  the  one  solution  of  all  our  problems  is  ulti- 
mately to  be  found  in  educatioru  Not  religion,  but  educa- 
tion, they  tell  us,  is  the  need  of  the  masses.  The  school  of 
Schulze-Delitzsch  still  exists  among  us.  Its  followers  are 
legion.  Into  their  teeth  Ketteler  casts  the  hard  and  obsti- 
nate fact  of  Original  Sin,  digest  it  as  they  may : 

Of  course  the  children  of  the  world  will  not  admit  this.  They 
laugh  at  the  doctrine  of  original  sin  and  its  consequences;  they 
deny  the  origin  and  the  power  of  the  passions,  and  pretend  that  these 
are  onJy  the  result  of  ignorance.  According  to  them,  a  better  or- 
ganization of  the  school  would  suffice  to  destroy  the  empire  of  the 
passions ;  and  by  a  better  organization  of  the  school  they  understand, 
in  the  first  place,  the  separation  of  the  school  from  the  Church  and 
the  diffusion  of  the  so-called  general  culture.  .  .  . 

But   I   ask  you,   what   assertion   strikes   truth  more  insolently   in 

29  Hirtrnhricfe,  p.  923.     Metlake,  p.  224. 


KETTELER'S  LABOR  PROGRAM       53 

the  face  than  this?  If  it  were  true,  it  would  follow  that  there 
must  be  two  classes  of  men  on  earth:  the  men  furnished  with  gen- 
eral human  culture,  a  race  without  passions,  without  vices,  acting 
only  conformably  to  the  dictates  of  higher  reason,  and  the  men 
deprived  of  general  culture,  and  in  consequence  the  slaves  of  all 
kinds  of  passions  and  vices.  Now  I  ask  you,  is  this  true?  Or  can 
you  think  of  a  more  impudent  lie  ?  How  can  such  assertions  be  made 
at  a  time  when  the  most  accurate  statistics  in  France  and  Germany 
have  proved  that  neither  the  degree  of  culture  nor  the  degree  of 
material  well-being  have  the  slightest  influence  on  the  number  of 
crimes  committed  in  a  country.  But  why  be  at  pains  for  proofs 
when  daily  experience  speaks  louder  than  statistical  tables!  Is  the 
miser  who  heaps  treasures  upon  treasures;  is  the  young  man  who 
traverses  the  habitable  globe,  learns  all  the  languages  of  men,  knows 
all  peoples,  and  sacrifices  thousands  a  year  to  his  pleasures  without 
bestowing  even  a  passing  thought  on  his  poor  brothers ;  is  the  young 
girl  who  shines  in  society,  who  makes  a  golden  calf  of  her  body  and 
adores  it  and  offers  it  sacrifice  of  gold  and  precious  stones  while 
she  pitilessly  leaves  her  poor  sisters  to  die  of  want  and  exposure, — 
are  all  these  perhaps  too  Christianly  educated,  or  do  they  lack 
general  human  culture? 

Where  is  this  boasted  general  human  culture  that  makes  the 
miser  benevolent,  that  fills  the  breast  of  the  profligate  youth,  the 
vain-glorious  maiden,  with  true  charity  for  their  neighbor?  Where 
is  the  doctrine,  where  is  the  book  that  can  implant  in  the  human 
heart  the  spirit  of  Christian  renouncement,  of  self-denial?  Show 
me,  show  me  the  generation  imbued  with  the  true  charity,  reared 
without  Christianity  by  our  worldly  wisdom  alone,  and  I  am  ready 
to  cast   Christianity  overboard  with  you. 

The  world  has  separated  itself  from  Christ;  it  has  rejected  Re- 
demption in  Christ ;  it  has  submitted  to  he  dominion  of  its  passions ; 
this  is  the  last,  the  profoundest,  and  truest  reason  of  our  social 
misery.  It  is  not  because  he  is  ignorant  and  without  general  hu- 
man culture,  but  because  he  has  become  the  wretched  slave  of  avarice 
and  pleasure-seeking,  that  the  rich  man  despises  the  command  of  God : 
Thou  shalt  give  of  thy  abundance  to  the  poor.  And  it  is  not  be- 
cause he  did  not  learn  his  lessons  well  at  school,  but  because  he 
serves  sloth  like  a  slave,  that  the  poor  man  stretches  out  his  hand 
after  the  goods  of  others  and  despises  the  command  of  God:  Thou 
shalt  not  steal.  Guided  by  their  sinful  passions,  men  are  no  longer 
able  to  apprehend  even  the  simplest  natural  truths  that  run  counter 
to  these  passions.  Apostasy  from  Christianity  is  the  cause  of  our 
wretched  state :  if  we  shut  our  eyes  to  this  truth  we  are  undone. 
Just  as  the  individual  can  make  true  progress  only  if  he  recognizes 
that  he  cannot  fulfil  the  high  purpose  of  his  existence  imless  aided 
from  without  so  the  world  will  not  raise  itself  out  of  its  present 


54  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

desperate  state  until  it  is  convinced  that,  without  external  aid,  it 
cannot  solve  the  great  problems  which  it  must  solve  at  any  cost  or 
relapse  into  barbarism.^" 

Bishop  Ketteler  more  than  contributed  his  share  towards 
the  solution  of  this  problem.  No  references  whatsoever  have 
been  made  here  to  his  numberless  works  of  charity.  Among  the 
labor  projects  undertaken  or  actively  urged  by  him  may  be 
numbered  the  foimding  of  homes  for  servant  girls  ;^^  the  intro- 
duction of  the  journeyman's  associations,  which  owed  no  little 
to  the  advice  given  by  him  to  their  worthy  founder,  Father 
Kolping;^^  the  proposed  establishment  of  a  society  for  the 
building  of  workingmen's  homes,  that  was  a  favorite  plan  with 
him;^^  the  creation  of  workingmen's  associations,  which  ulti- 
mately resulted  in  the  development  of  the  flourishing  Christian- 
social  labor  unions  with  almost  200,000  members  in  1870,  and 
promising  to  soar  high  into  the  hundreds  of  thousands  when  they 
were  ruthlessly  trampled  to  death  under  the  cloven  heel  of  the 
Kulturkampf ;  and  finally,  to  proceed  no  further,  the  promotion 
of  loan  and  credit  banks  for  the  welfare  of  the  laboring  classes.^* 
His  still  larger  schemes  of  cooperative  production  by  the  workers 
and  copartnership  plans  were  not  to  ripen  in  his  own  day.  He 
clearly  saw  the  difficulties  and  hoped  that  Christianity  would 
in  due  time  afford  the  solution.  His  immediately  practical 
and  specific  labor  measures,  however,  were  to  be  successfully 
championed  by  the  Center  that  gave  to  Bishop  Ketteler  the 
credit  of  its  enlightened  social  program.  But  his  influence  was 
to  extend  much  farther  and  reach  out  over  all  the  world,  for 
rightly  did  Pope  Leo  XIII  call  him  "  my  precursor  in  the 
social  field." 

iopredigten,  II,  pp.  136-142.     Metlake,  pp.  44-46. 
21  J.  Mundwiler,  S.  J.,  Bishof  v.  Ketteler,  p.  52. 
Z2lbid.,  pp.  54,  55,  110. 
S3 /bid.,  p.  101. 
»*  Ibid.,  p.  104. 


11.     THEEE  SOVEKEIGN  PONTIFFS 

Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII,  On  the  Condition  ov 

THE  Working  Classes 
Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII,  On  Christian  Demoo 

EACY 

Apostolic  Letter  of  Pope  Pius  X  to  the  Bishops  of 
Italy^  On  Catholic  Social  Action 

Extracts  From  the  Letter  of  Pope  Pru&  X,  Condemn- 
ing Le  Sillon 

Encyclical  Lettecb  of  Pope  Pius  X  to  the  Bishops  of 
Germany,  On  Trade  Unions 

Letter  of  Pope  Benedict  XV  to  the  Hierarchy  of 
France 

Letter  of  Pope  Benedict  XV  tO'  M.  Eugene  Duthoit 

Letter  of  Pope  Benedict  XV  tO'  the  Bishop  of 
Bergamo 


55 


1.     THE  CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES  ^ 

Encyclical  Letter  Eerum  Novarum,  May  15,   1891 

By  Pope  Leo  XIII 

That  the  spirit  of  revolutionary  change,  which  has  long  been 
disturbing  the  nations  of  the  world,  should  have  passed  beyond 
the  sphere  of  politics  and  made  its  influence  felt  in  the  cognate 
sphere  of  practical  economics  is  not  surprising.  The  elements 
of  the  conflict  now  raging  are  unmistakable:  in  the  vast  expan- 
sion of  industrial  pursuits  and  the  marvellous  discoveries  of 
science;  in  the  changed  relations  between  masters  and  work- 
men; in  the  enormous  fortunes  of  some  few  individuals,  and 
the  utter  poverty  of  the  masses;  in  the  increased  self-reliance 
and  closer  mutual  combination  of  the  working  classes ;  as  also, 
finally,  in  the  prevailing  moral  degeneracy.  The  momentous 
gravity  of  the  state  of  things  now  obtaining  fills  every  mind 
with  painful  apprehension ;  wise  men  are  discussing  it ;  prac- 
tical men  are  proposing  schemes  ;  popular  meetings,  legislatures, 
and  rulers  of  nations  are  all  busied  with  it  —  and  actually  there 
is  no  question  which  has  taken  a  deeper  hold  on  the  public  mind. 

Therefore,  Venerable  Brethren,  as  on  former  occasions  when 
it  seemed  opportune  to  refute  false  teaching,  We  have  ad- 
dressed you  in  the  interests  of  the  Church  and  of  the  com- 
monwealth, and  have  issued  Letters  bearing  on  "  Political 
Power,"  "  Human  Liberty,"  "  The  Christian  Constitution  of 
the  State,"  and  like  matters,  so  have  We  thought  it  expedient 


now  to  speak  on  the  condition  of  the  working  classes.     It  is  a 
subject  on  which  We  have  already  touched  more  than  once, 

1  This  is  the  greatest  pronouncement  made  by  any  of  the  Popes  on  the 
social  question.  It  is  as  pertinent  today  as  when  it  was  written,  more 
than  twenty-nine  years  ago,  because  it  sets  forth  the  eternal  principles  of 
social  justice.  The  reader  is  urged  to  read  the  review  of  the  Encyclical 
by  Cardinal  Manning  which  appears  on  a  later  page  of  this  volume. 

57 


58  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

incidentally.  But  in  the  present  Letter,  the  responsibility  of 
the  Apostolic  oflBce  urges  us  to  treat  the  question  of  set  purpose 
and  in  detail,  in  order  that  no  misapprehension  may  exist  as  to 
the  principles  which  truth  and  justice  dictate  for  its  settlement. 
The  discussion  is  not  easy,  nor  is  it  void  of  danger.  It  is  no 
easy  matter  to  define  the  relative  rights  and  mutual  duties  of  the 
rich  and  of  the  poor,  of  capital  and  of  labor.  And  the  danger 
lies  in  this,  that  crafty  agitators  are  intent  on  making  use  of 
these  differences  of  opinion  to  pervert  men's  judgments  and  to 
stir  up  the  people  to  revolt. 

But  all  agree,  and  there  can  be  no  question  whatever,  that 
some  remedy  must  be  found,  and  found  quickly,  for  the  misery 
and  wretchedness  pressing  so  heavily  and  unjustly  at  this 
moment  ontEe"  vast  majority  of  the  working  classes. 

±'or  the  ancient  workmgmen's  guilds  were  abolished  in  the 
last  century,  and  no  other  organization  took  their  place.  Pub- 
lic institutions  and  the  very  laws  have  set  aside  the  ancient 
religion.  Hence  by  degrees  it  has  come  to  pass  that  working- 
men  have  been  surrendered,  all  isolated  and  helpless,  to  the 
hard-heartedness  of  employers  and  the  greed  of  unchecked  com- 
petition. The  mischief  has  been  increased  by  rapacious  usury, 
which,  although  more  than  once  condemned  by  the  Church,  is 
nevertheless,  under  a  different  guise,  but  with  the  like  injus- 
tice, still  practised  by  covetous  and  grasping  men.  To  this 
must  be  added  the  custom  of  working  by  contract,  and  the  con- 
centration of  so  many  branches  of  trade  in  the  hands  of  a 
few  individuals ;  so  that  a  small  number  of  ver\^  rich  men  have 
been  able  to  lay  upon  the  teeming  masses  of  the  laboring  poor 
a  yoke  little  better  than  that  of  slavery  itself. 

SOCIALISTS    AND    PRIVATE    PEOPEETY 

To  remedy  these  wrongs  the  Socialists,  working  on  the  poor 
man's  envy  of  the  rich,  are  striving  to  do  away  with  private 
property,  and  contend  that  individual  possessions  should  become 
the  common  property  of  all,  to  be  administered  by  the  State 
or  by  municipal  bodies.  They  hold  that  by  thus  transferring 
property  from  private  individuals  to  the  community,  the  pres- 
ent mischievous  state  of  things  will  be  set  to  rights,  inasmuch 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        59 

as  each  citizen  will  then  get  his  fair  share  of  whatever  there 
is  to  enjoy.  But  their  contentions  are  so  clearly  powerless  to 
end  the  controversy  that  were  they  carried  into  effect  the 
workingman  himself  would  be  among  the  first  to  suffer.  They 
are,  moreover,  emphatically  unjust,  because  they  would  rob  the 
lawful  possessor,  bring  State  action  into  a  sphere  not  within  its 
competence,  and  create  utter  confusion  in  the  community. 

It  is  surely  undeniable  that,  when  a  man  engages  in  remunera- 
tive labor,  the  impelling  reason  and  motive  of  his  work  is  to 
obtain  property,  and  thereafter  to  hold  it  as  his  very  own.  If 
one  man  hires  out  to  another  his  strength  or  skill,  he  does  so 
for  the  purpose  of  receiving  in  return  what  is  necessary  for 
sustenance  and  education ;  ho  therefore  expressly  intends  to 
acquire  a  right  full  and  real,  not  only  to  the  remuneration,  but 
also  to  the  disposal  of  such  remuneration,  just  as  he  pleases. 
Thus,  if  he  lives  sparingly,  saves  money,  and,  for  greater 
security,  invests  his  savings  in  land,  the  land,  in  such  case, 
is  only  his  wages  under  another  form ;  and,  consequently,  a 
workingman's  little  estate  thus  purchased  should  be  as  com- 
pletely at  his  full  disposal  as  are  the  wages  he  receives  for  his 
labor.  But  it  is  precisely  in  such  power  of  disposal  that  owner- 
ship consists,  whether  the  property  consist  of  land  or  chattels. 
Socialists,  therefore,  by  endeavoring  to  transfer  the  possessions 
of  individuals  to  the  community,  strike  at  the  interests  of  every 
wage  earner,  for  they  deprive  him  of  the  liberty  of  disposing 
of  his  wages,  and  thus  of  all  hope  and  possibility  of  increasing 
his  stock  and  of  bettering  his  condition  in  life. 

man's  natural  eight  to  private  property 

What  is  of  still  greater  importance,  however,  is  that  the 
remedy  they  propose  is  manifestly  against  justice,  h'ov  every" 
man  has  by  nature  th.&_xight  to  possess  propertsL-iis  his  own. 
This  is  one  of  the  chief  points  of  distinction  between  man  and 
the  animal  creation.  For  the  brute  has  no  power  of  self-direc- 
tion, but  is  governed  by  two  chief  instincts,  which  keep  his 
powers  alert,  move  him  to  use  his  strength,  and  determine  him 
to  action  without  the  power  of  choice.  These  instincts  are  self- 
preservation  and  the  propagation  of  the  species.     Both  can  at- 


GO  CHURCH  A]S"D  LABOR 

tain  their  purpose  by  means  of  things  which  are  close  at  hand ; 
beyond  their  surroundings  the  brute  creation  cannot  go,  for  they 
are  moved  to  action  by  sensibility  alone,  and  by  the  things  which 
sense  perceives.  But  with  man  it  is  different  indeed.  He  pos- 
sesses, on  the  one  hand,  the  full  perfection  of  animal  nature, 
and  therefore  he  enjoys,  at  least,  as  much  the  rest  of  the  animal 
race,  the  fruition  of  the  things  of  the  body.  But  animality, 
however  perfect,  is  far  from  being  the  whole  of  humanity,  and 
is  indeed  humanity's  humbled  handmaid,  made  to  serve  and 
obey.  It  is  the  mind,  or  the  reason,  which  is  the  chief  thing 
in  us  who  are  human  beings ;  it  is  this  which  makes  a  human 
being  human,  and  distinguishes  him  essentially  and  completely 
from'  the  brute.  And  on  this  account — viz.,  that  man  alone 
among  animals  possesses  reason — it  must  be  within  his  right 
to  have  things  not  merely  for  temporary  and  momentary  use, 
as  other  living  beings  have  them,  but  in  stable  and  permanent 
possession;  he  must  have  not  only  things  which  perish  in  the 
using,  but  also  those,  which  though  used,  remain  for  use  in 
the  future. 

This  becomes  still  more  clearly  evident  if  we  consider  man's 
nature  a  little  more  deeply.  For  man,  comprehending  by 
the  power  of  his  reason  things  innumerable,  and  joining  the 
future  with  the  present  —  being,  moreover,  the  master  of  his 
own  acts  —  governs  himself  by  the  foresight  of  his  counsel, 
under  the  eternal  law  and  the  power  of  God,  Whose  Providence 
governs  all  things.  Wherefore  it  is  in  his  power  to  exercise  his 
choice  not  only  on  things  which  regard  his  present  welfare,  but 
also  on  those  which  will  be  for  his  advantage  in  time  to  come. 
Hence  man  not  only  can  possess  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  but  also 
the  earth  itself;  for  of  the  products  of  the  earth  he  can  make 
provision  for  the  future.  !Man's  needs  do  not  die  out,  but 
recur;  satisfied  to-day,  they  demand  new  supplies  tomorrow. 
!N'ature,  therefore,  owes  to  man  a  storehouse  that  shall  never  fail, 
the  daily  supply  of  his  daily  wants.  And  this  he  finds  only 
in  the  inexhaustible  fertility  of  the  earth.  iSTor  must  we,  at  this 
stage,  have  recourse  to  the  State. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        Gl 

MAJM-    IS    OLDEJR    THAN    THE    STATE 

A  nd  lie  holds  the  right  of  providing  for  the  life  of  his  body  prior 
to  the  formation  of  any  State.  And  to  say  that  God  has  given 
the  earth  to  the  use  and  enjoyment  of  the  universal  human  race 
is  not  to  deny  that  there  can  be  private  property.  For  God 
has  granted  the  earth  to  mankind  in  general ;  not  in  the  sense 
that  all  without  distinction  can  deal  with  it  as  they  please,  but 
rather  that  no  part  of  it  has  been  assigned  to  any  one  in  par- 
ticular, and  that  the  limits  of  private  possession  have  been  left 
to  be  fixed  by  man's  own  industry  and  the  laws  of  individual 
peoples.  Moreover,  the  earth,  though  divided  among  private 
owners,  ceases  not  thereby  to  minister  to  the  needs  of  all; 
for  there  is  no  one  who  does  not  live  on  what  the  land  brings 
forth.  Those  who  do  not  possess  the  soil,  contribute  their 
labor;  so  that  it  may  be  truly  said  that  all  human  subsistence 
is  derived  either  from  labor  on  one's  own  land,  or  from  some 
laborious  industry  which  is  paid  for  either  in  the  produce  of 
the  land  itself  or  in  that  which  is  exchanged  for  what  the  land 
brings  forth. 

Here,  again,  we  have  another  proof  that  private  ownership 
is  according  to  nature's  law.  For  that  which  is  required  for 
the  preservation  of  life  and  for  life's  well-being,  is  produced 
in  great  abundance  by  the  earth,  but  not  until  man  has  brought 
it  into  cultivation  and  lavished  upon  it  his  care  and  skill. 
Now,  when  man  thus  spends  the  industry  of  his  mind  and  the 
strength  of  his  body  in  procuring  the  fruits  of  nature,  by  that 
act  he  makes  his  own  that  portion  of  nature's  field  which  he 
cultivates — that  portion  on  which  he  leaves,  as  it  were,  the 
impress  of  his  own  personality;  and  it  cannot  but  be  just  that 
he  should  possess  that  portion  as  his  own,  and  should  have 
a  right  to  keep  it  without  molestation. 

These  arguments  are  so  strong  and  convincing  that  it  seems 
surprising  that  certain  obsolete  opinions  should  now  be  revived 
in  opposition  to  what  is  here  laid  down.  We  are  told  that  it" 
is  right  for  private  persons  to  have  the  use  of  the  soil  and  the 
fruits  of  their  land,  but  that  it  is  unjust  for  anyone  to  possess 
as  owner  either  the  land  on  which  he  has  built  or  the  estate 
which  he  has  cultivated.     But  those  who  assert  this   do  not 


G2  CHUKCH  AND  LABOR 

'  perceive  that  they  are  robbing  man  of  what  his  own  labor 
has  produced.  For  the  soil  which  is  tilled  and  cultivated  with 
toil  and  skill  utterly  changes  its  condition;  it  was  wild  before, 
it  is  now  fruitful ;  it  was  barren,  and  now  it  brings  forth  in 
abundance.  That  which  has  thus  altered  and  improved  it  be- 
comes so  truly  part  of  itself  as  to  be  in  a  great  measure  indis- 
tinguishable and  inseparable  from  it.  Is  it  just  that  the  fruit 
of  a  man's  sweat  and  labor  should  be  enjoyed  by  another?  As 
effects  follow  their  cause,  so  it  is  just  and  right  that  the  results 
of  labor  should  belong  to  him  who  has  labored. 

With  reason,  therefore,  the  common  opinion  of  mankind, 
little  affected  by  the  few  dissentients  who  have  maintained  the 
opposite  view,  has  found  in  the  study  of  nature,  and  in  the 
law  of  nature  herself,  the  foundations  of  the  division  of  prop- 
erty, and  has  consecrated  by  the  practice  of  all  ages  the  prin- 
ciple of  private  ownership,  as  being  preeminently  in  conform- 
ity with  human  nature,  and  as  conducing  in  the  most  unmis- 
takable manner  to  the  peace  and  tranquility  of  human  life. 
The  same  principle  is  confirmed  and  enforced  by  the  civil  laws 
— laws  which,  as  long  as  they  are  just,  derive  their  binding  force 
from  the  law  of  nature.  The  authority  of  the  Divine  Law  adds 
its  sanction,  forbidding  us  in  the  gravest  terms  even  to  covet 
that  which  is  another's: — Thou  shalt  not  covet  thy  neighbors 
wife;  nor  his  house,  nor  his  field,  nor  his  man-servant,  not* 
his  maid-servant,  nor  his  ox,  nor  his  ass,  nor  anything  wldch  is 
his.^ 

man's  natural  eight  and  his  social  and  domestic 

DUTIES 

The  rights  here  spoken  of,  belonging  to  each  individual  man, 
are  seen  in  a  much  stronger  light  if  they  are  considered  in  re- 
lation to  man's  social  and  domestic  obligations. 

In  choosing  a  state  of  life,  it  is  indisputable  that  all  are  at 
full  liberty  either  to  follow  the  counsel  of  Jesus  Christ  as  to 
virginity,  or  to  enter  into  the  bonds  of  marriage.  IN'o  human 
law  can  abolish  the  natural  and  primitive  right  of  marriage, 
or  in  any  way  limit  the  chief  and  principal  purpose  of  mar- 

2  Deuteronomy  v,  21. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        63 

riage,  ordained  by  God's  authority  from  the  beginning.  In- 
crease and  multiply?  Thus  we  have  the  Family  ;  the  "  society  " 
of  a  man's  own  household;  a  society  limited  indeed  in  num- 
bers, but  a  true  "  society,"  anterior  to  every  kind  of  State  or  na- 
tion, with  rights  and  duties  of  its  own,  totally  independent  of 
the  commonwealth. 

That  right  of  property,  therefore,  which  has  been  proved 
to  belong  naturally  to  individual  persons,  must  also  belong  to 
a  man  in  his  capacity  of  head  of  a  family ;  nay,  such  a  person 
must  possess  this  right  so  much  the  more  clearly  in  proportion 
as  his  position  multiplies  his  duties.  For  it  is  a  most  sacred 
law  of  nature  that  a  father  must  provide  food  and  all  neces- 
saries for  those  whom  he  has  begotten ;  and,  similarly,  nature 
dictates  that  a  man's  children,  who  carry  on,  as  it  were,  and 
continue  his  own  personality,  should  be  provided  by  him  with 
all  that  is  needful  to  enable  them  honorably  to  keep  themselves 
from  want  and  misery  in  the  uncertainties  of  this  mortal  life. 
Now,  in  no  other  way  can  a  father  effect  this  except  by  the 
o\vnership  of  profitable  property,  which  he  can  transmit  to  his 
children  by  inheritance.  A  family,  no  less  than  a  State,  is, 
as  we  have  said,  a  true  society,  governed  by  a  power  within  it- 
self, that  is  to  say,  by  the  father.  Wherefore,  provided  the 
limits  be  not  transgressed  which  are  prescribed  by  the  very 
purposes  for  which  it  exists,  the  Family  has,  at  least,  equal 
rights  with  the  State  in  the  choice  and  pursuit  of  those  things 
which  are  needful  to  its  preservation  and  its  just  liberty. 

We  say,  at  least  equal  rights;  for  since  the  domestic  house- 
hold is  anterior  both  in  idea  and  in  fact  to  the  gathering  of  men 
into  a  commonwealth,  the  former  must  necessarily  have  rights 
and  duties  which  are  prior  to  those  of  the  latter,  and  which 
rest  more  immediately  on  nature.  If  the  citizens  of  a  State — 
that  is  to  say,  the  Families — on  entering  into  association  and 
fellowship,  experienced  at  the  hands  of  the  State  hindrance  in- 
stead of  help,  and  found  their  rights  attacked  instead  of  being 
protected,  such  association  were  rather  to  be  repudiated  than 
sought  after. 

3  Genesis  i,  28. 


64  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

THE    STATE    MAY    NOT    ABOLISH    NOB   ABSORB    PATEENAX 

EIGHTS 

The  idea,  then,  that  the  civil  <?ovemment  should,  at  its  own 
discretion,  penetrate  and  pervade  the  family  and  the  house- 
hold, is  a  great  and  pernicious  mistake.  True,  if  a  family 
finds  itself  in  great  difficulty,  utterly  friendless,  and  without 
prospect  of  help,  it  is  right  that  extreme  necessity  be  met  by 
public  aid ;  for  each  family  is  a  part  of  the  commonwealth.  In 
like  manner,  if  within  the  walls  of  the  household  there  occur 
grave  disturbance  of  mutual  rights,  the  public  power  must 
interfere  to  force  each  party  to  give  the  other  what  is  due ;  for 
this  is  not  to  rob  citizens  of  their  rights,  but  justly  and  properly 
to  safeguard  and  strengthen  them.  But  the  rulers  of  the  State 
must  go  no  further:  nature  bids  them  stop  here.  Paternal  au- 
thority can  neither  be  abolished  by  the  State  nor  absorbed ;  for 
it  has  the  same  source  as  human  life  itself;  "the  child  belongs 
to  the  father,"  and  is,  as  it  were,  the  continuation  of  the  father's 
personality ;  and,  to  speak  with  strictness,  the  child  takes  its 
place  in  civil  society  not  in  its  own  right,  but  in  its  quality  as 
a  member  of  the  family  in  which  it  is  begotten.  And  it  is  for 
the  very  reason  that  "  the  child  belongs  to  the  father,"  that,  as 
St.  Thomas  of  Aquin  says,  "  before  it  attains  the  use  of  free- 
will, it  is  in  the  power  and  care  of  its  parents."  ^  The  So- 
cialists, therefore,  in  setting  aside  the  parent  and  introducing 
the  providence  of  the  State,  act  against  natural  justice,  and 
threaten  the  very  existence  of  family  life. 

And  such  interference  is  not  only  unjust,  but  is  quite  certain 
to  harass  and  disturb  all  classes  of  citizens,  and  to  subject  them 
to  odious  and  intolerable  slavery.  It  would  open  the  door 
to  envy,  to  evil  speaking,  and  to  quarrelling;  the  sources  of 
wealth  would  themselves  run  dry,  for  no  one  would  have  any 
interest  in  exerting  his  talents  or  his  industry;  and  that  ideal 
equality  of  which  so  much  is  said  would,  in  reality,  be  the 
leveling  down  of  all  to  the  same  condition  of  misery  and  dis- 
honor. 

Thus  it  is  clear  that  the  main  tenet  of  Socialism,  the  com- 
munity of  goods,  must  be  utterly  rejected ;  for  it  would  injure 

4  St.  Thomas,  Summa  Theologica,  2a  2se  Q.  x.  Art.  12. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        65 

those  whom  it  is  intended  to  benefit,  it  would  be  contrary  to 
the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  and  it  would  introduce  con- 
fusion and  disorder  into  the  commonwealth.  Our  first  and 
most  fundamental  principle,  therefore,  when  we  undertake  to 
alleviate  the  condition  of  the  masses,  must  be  the  inviolability 
of  private  property.  This  laid  down,  We  go  on  to  show  where 
we  must  find  the  remedy  that  we  seek. 

THE    CHUKCH    AXONS    CAN    SOLVE    THE    SOCIAL    PROBLEM 

We  approach  the  subject  with  confidence,  and  in  the  exercise 
of  the  rights  which  belong  to  Us.  For  no  practical  solution 
of  this  question  will  ever  be  found  without  the  assistance  of 
Keligion  and  of  the  Church.  It  is  We  who  are  the  chief  guard- 
ian of  Religion,  and  the  chief  dispenser  of  what  belongs  to  the 
Church,  and  we  must  not  by  silence  neglect  the  duty  which 
lies  upon  Us.  Doubtless  this  most  serious  question  demands 
the  attention  and  the  efforts  of  others  besides  Ourselves  — 
of  the  rulers  of  States,  of  employers  of  labor,  of  the  wealthy, 
and  of  the  working  population  themselves  for  whom  We  plead. 
But  We  affirm  without  hesitation  that  all  the  striving  of  men 
will  be  vain  if  they  leave  out  the  Church.  It  is  the  Church 
that  proclaims  from  the  Gospel  those  teachings  by  which  the 
conflict  can  be  put  an  end  to,  or  at  least  made  far  less  bitter; 
the  Church  uses  its  efforts  not  only  to  enlighten  the  mind,  but 
to  direct  by  its  precepts  the  life  and  conduct  of  men ;  the 
Church  improves  and  ameliorates  the  condition  of  the  working 
man  by  numerous  useful  organizations ;  does  its  best  to  enlist 
the  services  of  all  ranks  in  discussing  and  endeavoring  to  meet, 
in  the  most  practical  way,  the  claims  of  the  working  classes; 
and  acts  on  the  decided  view  that  for  these  purposes  recourse 
should  be  had,  in  due  measure  and  degree,  to  the  help  of  the 
law  and  of  State  authority. 

Let  it  be  laid  down,  in  the  first  place,  that  humanity  must 
remain  as  it  is.  It  is  impossible  to  reduce  human  society  to 
a  level.  The  Socialists  may  do  their  utmost,  but  all  striving 
against  nature  is  vain.  There  naturally  exist  among  mankind 
innumerable  differences  of  the  most  important  kind ;  people 
differ  in  capability,  in  diligence,  in  health,  and  in  strength ; 


66  CHUECH  AND  LAEOR 

and  unequal  fortune  is  a  necessary  result  of  inequality  in  con- 
dition.    Such   inequality  is  far  from   being   disadvantageous 
either  to  individuals  or  to  the  community;  social  and  public 
life  can  only  go  on  by  the  help  of  various  kinds  of  capacity  and 
the  playing  of  many  parts,  and  each  man,  as  a  rule,  chooses  the 
part  which  peculiarly  suits  his  case.     As  regards  bodily  labor, 
even  had  man  never  fallen  from  the  state  of  innocence,  he  would 
not  have  been  wholly  unoccupied;  but  that  which  would  then 
have  been  his  free  choice,  his  delight,  became  afterwards  com- 
pulsory, and  the  painful  expiation  of  his  sin.     Cursed  he  the 
earth  in  thy  work;  in  thy  labor  thou  shalt  eat  of  it  all  the  days 
of  thy  life.^     In  like  manner,  the  other  pains  and  hardships 
of  life  will  have  no  end  or  cessation  on  this  earth;  for  the 
consequences  of  sin  are  bitter  and  hard  to  bear,  and  they  must 
be  with  man  as  long  as  life  lasts.    .  To  suffer  and  to  endure, 
therefore,  is  the  lot  of  humanity ;  let  men  try  as  they  may,  no 
strength  and  no  artifice  will  ever  succeed  in  banishing  from 
human  life  the  ills  and  troubles  which  beset  it.     If  any  there 
are  who  pretend  differently  —  who  hold  out  to  a  hard-pressed 
people  freedom  from  pain  and  trouble,  undisturbed  repose,  and 
constant  enjoyment  —  they  cheat  the  people  and  impose  upon 
them,  and  their  lying  promises  will  only  make  the  evil  worse 
than  before.     There  is  nothing  more  useful  than  to  look  at  the 
world  as  it  really  is  —  and  at  the  same  time  look  elsewhere  for 
a  remedy  to  its  troubles. 

THE    CHRISTIAN    INTEEDEPENDEISrCE    OF    CAPITAL    AND 
LABOR 

The  great  mistake  that  is  made  in  the  matter  now  under  con- 
sideration, is  to  possess  oneself  of  the  idea  that  class  is  naturally 
hostile  to  class;  that  rich  and  poor  are  intended  by  nature  to 
live  at  war  with  one  another.  So  irrational  and  so  false  is  this 
view,  that  the  exact  contrary  is  the  truth.  Just  as  the  sym- 
metry of  the  human  body  is  the  result  of  the  disposition  of 
the  members  of  the  body,  so  in  a  State  it  is  ordained  by  na- 
ture that  these  two  classes  should  exist  in  harmony  and  agree- 
lent,  and  should,  as  it  were,  fit  into  one  another,  so  as  to 


IfDITION  OF  THE  WOEKING  CLASSES       67 


C 


maintain  the  equilibrium  of  the  body  politic.  Each  requires 
the  other;  capital  cannot  do  without  labor,  nor  labor  without 
capital.  Mutual  agreement  results  in  pleasantness  and  good 
order;  perpetual  conflict  necessarily  produces  confusion  and 
utrage.  ]^ow,  in  preventing  such  strife  as  this,  and  in  mak- 
ing it  impossible,  the  efficacy  of  Christianity  is  marvelous  and 
manifold.  Eirst  of  all,  there  is  nothing  more  powerful  than 
Religion  (of  which  the  Church  is  the  interpreter  and  guardian) 
in  drawing  rich  and  poor  together,  by  reminding  each  class 
of  its  duties  to  the  other,  and  especially  of  the  duties  of  justice. 
Thus  Keligion  teaches  the  laboring  man  and  the  workman  to 
carry  out  honestly  and  well  all  equitable  agreements  freely 
made,  never  to  injure  capital,  nor  to  outrage  the  person  of  an 
employer;  never  to  employ  violence  in  representing  his  own 
cause,  nor  to  engage  in  riot  and  disorder;  and  to  have  nothing 
to  do  with  men  of  evil  principles,  who  work  upon  the  people 
with  artful  promises,  and  raise  foolish  hopes  which  usually 
end  in  disaster  and  in  repentance  when  too  late.  Religion 
teaches  the  rich  man  and  the  employer  that  their  work-people 
are  not  their  slaves;  that  they  must  respect  in  every  man  his 
dignity  as  a  man  and  as  a  Christian ;  that  labor  is  nothing  to  be 
ashamed  of,  if  we  listen  to  right  reason  and  to  Christian  phi- 
losophy, but  is  an  honorable  emplojTuent,  enabling  a  man  to 
sustain  his  life  in  an  upright  and  creditable  way;  and  that 
it  is  shameful  and  inhuman  to  treat  men  like  chattels  to  make 
money  by,  or  to  look  upon  them  merely  as  so  much  muscle  or 
physical  power.  Thus,  again,  Religion  teaches  that,  as  among 
the  workmen's  concerns  are  Religion  herself,  and  things  spirit- 
ual and  mental,  the  employer  is  bound  to  see  that  he  has  time 
for  the  duties  of  piety ;  that  he  be  not  exposed  to  corrupting  in- 
fluences and  dangerous  occasions;  and  that  he  be  not  led  away 
to  neglect  his  home  and  family  or  to  squander  his  wages.  Then, 
again,  the  employer  must  never  tax  his  work-people  beyond  their 
strength,  nor  employ  them  in  work  unsuited  to  their  sex  or 
age.  His  great  and  principal  obligation  is  to  give  to  every  one 
that  which  is  just.  Doubtless  before  we  can  decide  whether 
wages  are  adequate  many  things  have  to  be  considered ;  but  rich 
men  and  masters  should  remember  this  —  that  to  exercise  pres- 


68  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

sure  for  the  sake  of  gain,  upon  the  indigent  and  destitute, 
and  to  make  one's  profit  out  of  the  need  of  another,  is  con- 
demned by  all  laws,  human  and  divine.  To  defraud  any  one 
of  wages  that  are  his  due  is  a  crime  which  cries  to  the  avenging 
anger  of  Heaven.  Behold,  the  hire  of  the  laborers  .  .  .  which 
hy  fraud  has  been  Tcept  hack  hy  you,  crieth;  and  the  cry  of  them 
hath  entered  the  ears  of  the  Lord  of  the  Sahaoth.^  Finally, 
the  rich  must  religiously  refrain  from  cutting  down  the  work- 
man's earnings,  either  by  force,  fraud,  or  by  usurious  dealing ; 
and  with  the  more  reason  because  the  poor  man  is  weak  and 
unprotected,  and  because  his  slender  means  should  be  sacred  in 
proportion  to  their  scantiness. 

Were  these  precepts  carefully  obeyed  and  followed  would  not 
strife  die  out  and  cease  ? 

But  the  Church,  with  Jesus  Christ  for  its  Master  and  Guide, 
aims  higher  still.  It  lays  do^vn  precepts  yet  more  perfect,  and 
tries  to  bind  class  to  class  in  friendliness  and  good  understand- 
ing. The  things  of  this  earth  cannot  be  understood  or  valued 
rightly  without  taking  into  consideration  the  life  to  come,  the 
life  that  will  last  forever.  Exclude  the  idea  of  futurity,  and 
the  very  notion  of  what  is  good  and  right  would  perish;  nay, 
the  whole  system  of  the  universe  would  become  a  dark  and 
unfathomable  mystery.  The  great  tinith  which  we  learn  from 
l^ature  herself  is  also  the  grand  Christian  dogma  on  which  reli- 
gion rests  as  on  its  base  —  that  when  we  have  done  with  this 
present  life  then  we  shall  really  begin  to  live.  God  has  not 
created  us  for  the  perishable  and  transitory  things  of  earth,  but 
for  things  heavenly  and  everlasting;  He  has  given  us  this  world 
as  a  place  of  exile,  and  not  as  our  tnie  country.  Money  and 
the  other  things  which  men  call  good  and  desirable  —  we  may 
have  them  in  abundance  or  we  may  want  them  altogether;  as 
far  as  eternal  happiness  is  concerned,  it  is  no  matter;  the  only 
thing  that  is  important  is  to  use  them  aright.  Jesus  Christ, 
when  He  redeemed  us  with  plentiful  redemption,  took  not  away 
the  pains  and  sorrows  which  in  such  large  proportion  make  up 
the  texture  of  our  mortal  life ;  He  transformed  them  into  mo- 
tives of  virtue  and  occasions  of  merit ;  and  no  man  can  hope 

6  St.  James  v,  4. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        69 

for  eternal  reward  unless  be  follow  in  the  blood-stained  foot- 
prints of  bis  Saviour.  //  we  suffer  with  Him,  we  shall  also 
reign  with  Ilim.''  His  labors  and  His  sufferings,  accepted  by 
His  own  free  will,  bave  marvelously  sweetened  all  suffering  and 
all  labor.  And  not  only  by  His  example,  but  by  His  grace  and 
by  the  hope  of  everlasting  recompense,  He  has  made  pain  and 
grief  more  easy  to  endure ;  for  that  which  is  at  present  momen- 
tary and  light  of  our  tribulation,  worheth  for  us  above  measare 
exceedingly  an  eternal  lueight  of  glory.^ 

CHBISTTANITT    TEACHES    PRACTICALLY    THE    RIGHT    USE    OP 

MONEY 

Therefore,  those  whom  fortune  favors  are  warned  that  free- 
dom from  sorrow  and  abundance  of  earthly  riches  are  no  guar- 
antee of  the  beatitude  that  shall  never  end,  but  rather  the  con- 
trary ;  ^  that  the  rich  should  tremble  at  the  threatenings  of 
Jesus  Christ  —  threatenings  so  strange  in  the  mouth  of  our 
Lord,^^  and  that  a  most  strict  account  must  be  given  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  for  all  that  we  possess.  The  chiefest  and 
most  excellent  rule  for  the  right  use  of  money  is  one  which  the 
heathen  philosophers  indicated,  but  which  the  Church  has  traced 
out  clearly,  and  has  not  only  made  known  to  men's  minds,  but 
has  impressed  upon  their  lives.  It  rests  on  the  principle  that 
it  is  one  thing  to  have  a  right  to  the  possession  of  money,  and 
another  to  have  a  right  to  use  money  as  one  pleases.  Private 
ownership,  as  we  have  seen,  is  the  natural  right  of  man;  and 
to  exercise  that  right,  especially  as  members  of  society,  is  not 
only  lawful  but  absolutely  necessary.  It  is  lawful, '  says  St. 
Thomas  of  Aquin,  for  a  nfian  to  hold  private  property ;  and  it 
is  also  necessary  for  the  carrying  on  of  human  life}^  But  if 
the  question  be  asked.  How  must  one's  possessions  be  used? 
the  Church  replies  without  hesitation  in  the  words  of  the  same 
holy  Doetor:  Man  should  not  consider  his  outward  possessions 
as  his  own,  hut  as  common  to  all,  so  as  to  share  them  without 

7  II  Timothy  ii,  12. 

8  II  Corinthians  iv,  17. 

»  St.  Matthew  xix,  23,  24. 

10  St.  Luke  vi,  24,  25. 

11  2a  286  Q.  Ixvi.  Art.  2. 


70  CHUECH  Al^D  LABOR 

difficulty  ivhen  others  are  in  7ieed.  Whence  the  Apostle  saith, 
Commaiid  the  rich  of  this  world  .  .  .  to  give  with  ease,  to  com- 
municate.''-^ Tiiie,  no  one  is  commanded  to  distribute  to  others 
that  which  is  required  for  his  own  necessities  and  those  of  his 
household ;  nor  even  to  give  away  what  is  reasonbly  required 
to  keep  up  becomingly  his  condition  in  life;  for  no  one  ought  to 
live  unhecomingly.^^  But  when  necessity  has  been  supplied, 
and  one's  position  fairly  considered,  it  is  a  duty  to  give  to  the 
indigent  out  of  that  which  is  over.  That  which  remaineth  give 
alms.'^^  It  is  a  duty,  not  of  justice  (except  in  extreme  cases), 
but  of  Christian  charity  —  a  duty  which  is  not  enforced  by 
human  law.  But  the  laws  and  judgment  of  men  must  give  place 
to  the  laws  and  judgment  of  Christ,  the  true  God;  Who  in 
many  ways  urges  on  His  followers  the  practice  of  almsgiving  — 
It  is  more  blessed  to  give  than  to  receive ;^^  and  Who  will  count 
a  kindness  done  or  refused  to  the  poor  as  done  or  refused  to 
Himself  —  As  long  as  you  did  it  to  one  of  My  least  brethren, 
you  did  it  to  Me.''-^  Thus  to  sum  up  what  has  been  said:  — 
Whoever  has  received  from  the  Divine  bounty  a  large  share  of 
blessings,  whether  they  be  external  and  corporal,  or  gifts  of 
the  mind,  has  received  them  for  the  pui*pose  of  using  them 
for  perfecting  his  own  nature,  and,  at  the  same  time,  that  he 
may  employ  them,  as  the  minister  of  God's  Providence,  for 
the  benefit  of  others.  He  that  hath  a  talent,  says  St.  Gregory 
the  Great,  let  him-  see  that  he  hideth  not;  he  that  hath  abunr^ 
dance,  let  him  arouse  himself  to  mercy  and  generosity ;  he  that 
hath  art  and  sTcill,  let  him  do  his  best  to  share  the  use  and  utility 
thereof  with  his  neighbor.  ^' 

THE   DIGISriTT    OF   LABOE 

As  for  those  who  do  not  possess  the  gifts  of  fortune,  they 
are  taught  by  the  Church  that,  in  God's  sight  poverty  is  no 
disgrace,  and  that  there  is  nothing  to  be  ashamed  of  in  seeking 

i2lhid.,  Q.  Ixv,  Art.  2. 
13  2a  226,  Q.  xxxii,  Art.  6. 
i*St.  Luke  xi,  41. 

15  Acts  XX,  35. 

16  St.  Matthew  xxv.  40. 

17  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  Horn,  ix,  in  Evangel,  n.  7. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        71 

one's  bread  bj  labor.  This  is  strengthened  by  what  we  see 
in  Christ  Himself.  Who  whereas  He  was  rich,  for  our  sokes 
hecame  poor}^  and  Who,  being  the  Son  of  God,  and  God  Him- 
self chose  to  seem  and  to  be  considered  the  son  of  a  carpenter  — 
nay,  did  not  disdain  to  spend  a  great  part  of  His  life  as  a  car- 
penter Himself.  7s  not  this  the  carpenter,  the  son  of  Mary?  ^^ 
From  the  contemplation  of  this  Divine  example,  it  is  easy  to 
understand  that  the  true  dignity  and  excellence  of  man  lies  in 
his  moral  qualities,  that  is,  in  virtue ;  that  virtue  is  the  common 
inheritance  of  all,  equally  within  the  reach  of  high  and  low, 
rich  and  poor;  and  that  virtue,  and  virtue  alone,  wherever 
found,  will  be  followed  by  the  rewards  of  everlasting  happiness. 
Nay,  God  Himself  seems  to  incline  more  to  those  who  suffer 
evil ;  for  Jesus  Christ  calls  the  poor  blessed  ;^^  He  lovingly  in- 
vites those  in  labor  and  grief  to  come  to  Him  for  solace  ;^^ 
and  He  displays  the  tenderest  charity  to  the  lowly  and  oppressed. 
These  reflections  cannot  fail  to  keep  down  the  pride  of  those 
who  are  well  off,  and  to  cheer  the  spirit  of  the  afflicted;  to 
incline  the  former  to  generosity,  and  the  latter  to  tranquil  resig- 
nation. Thus  the  separation  which  pride  would  make  tends 
to  disappear,  nor  will  it  be  difficult  to  make  rich  and  poor  join 
hands  in  friendly  concord. 

But,  if  Christian  precepts  prevail,  the  two  classes  will  not 
only  be  united  in  the  bonds  of  friendship,  but  also  in  those  of 
brotherly  love.  For  they  will  understand  and  feel  that  all  men 
are  the  children  of  the  common  father,  that  is,  of  God ;  that  all 
have  the  same  last  end,  which  is  God  Himself,  Who  alone  can 
make  either  men  or  angels  absolutely  perfectly  happy ;  that  all 
and  each  are  redeemed  by  Jesus  Christ,  and  raised  to  the  dignity 
of  children  of  God,  and  are  thus  united  in  brotherly  ties  both 
with  each  other  and  with  Jesus  Christ,  the  first  horn  among 
many  brethren;  that  the  blessings  of  nature  and  the  gifts  of 
grace  belong  in  common  to  the  whole  human  race,  and  that  to  all, 
except  to  those  who  are  unworthy,  is  promised  the  inheritance  of 

18  II  Corinthians  viii,  9. 

19  St.  Mark  vi,  3. 

20  St.  Matthew  v,  3 :  "  Blessed  are  the  poor  in  spirit." 

21  Ibid-,  xi,  28:  "Come  to  Me,  all  you  that  labor  and  are  burdened,  and 
I  will  refresh  yon." 


Y2  CHURCH  AND  LAEOR 

the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.     //  sonSj  heirs  also;  heirs  indeed  of 
God  J  and  co-heirs  of  Christ. ^^ 

Such  is  the  scheme  of  duties  and  of  rights  which  is  put  forth 
to  the  world  by  the  Gospel.  Would  it  not  seem  that  strife  must 
quickly  cease  were  society  penetrated  with  ideals  like  these? 

SOCIAX,    EVILS    TO    BE    REMEDIED    OaSTLT    BY    RETURN    TO 
CHRISTIAN    LIFE    AND    INSTITUTIONS 

But  the  Church,  not  content  with  pointing  out  the  remedy, 
also  applies  it.  For  the  Church  does  its  utmost  to  teach  and  to 
train  men,  and  to  educate  them;  and  by  means  of  its  Bishops 
and  clergy  it  diffuses  its  salutary  teachings  far  and  wide.  It 
strives  to  influence  the  mind  and  heart  so  that  all  may  willingly 
yield  themselves  to  be  formed  and  guided  by  the  commandments 
of  God.  It  is  precisely  in  this  fundamental  and  principal  mat- 
ter, on  which  everything  depends,  that  the  Church  has  a  power 
peculiar  to  itself.  The  agencies  which  it  employs  are  given  it 
for  the  very  purpose  of  reaching  the  hearts  of  men  by  Jesus 
Christ  Himself,  and  derive  their  efficiency  from  God.  They 
alone  can  touch  the  innermost  heart  and  conscience,  and  bring 
men  to  act  from  a  motive  of  duty,  to  resist  their  passions  and 
appetites,  to  love  God  and  their  fellowmen  with  a  love  that  is 
unique  and  supreme,  and  courageously  to  break  down  every 
barrier  which  stands  in  the  way  of  a  virtuous  life. 

On  this  subject  We  need  only  recall  for  one  moment  the  ex- 
amples written  do^vn  in  history.  Of  these  things  there  cannot 
be  the  shadow  of  doubt;  for  instance,  that  civil  society  was 
renovated  in  every  part  by  the  teachings  of  Christianity;  that 
in  the  strength  of  that  renewal  the  human  race  was  lifted  up 
to  better  things  —  nay,  that  it  was  brought  back  from  death  to 
life,  and  to  so  excellent  a  life  that  nothing  more  perfect  had 
been  known  before  or  will  come  to  pass  in  the  ages  that  are  yet 
to  be.  Of  this  beneficent  transformation,  Jesus  Christ  was  at 
once  the  first  cause  and  the  final  purpose;  as  from  Him  all 
came,  so  to  Him  all  was  to  be  referred.  For  when,  by  the  light 
of  the  Gospel  message,  the  human  race  came  to  know  the  grand 
mystery  of  the  Incarnation  of  the  Word  and  the  redemption 

22  Romans  viii,  17. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES 


iO 


of  man,  the  life  of  Jesus  Christ,  God  and  Man,  penetrated  every 
race  and  nation,  and  impregnated  them  with  His  faith,  His  pre- 
cepts, and  His  laws.  And,  if  Society  is  to  be  cured  now,  in 
no  other  way  can  it  be  cured  but  by  a  return  to  the  Christian 
life  and  Christian  institutions.  When  a  society  is  perishing, 
the  true  advice  to  give  to  those  who  would  restore  it  is,  to  recall 
it  to  the  principles  from  which  it  sprung;  for  the  purpose  and 
perfection  of  an  association  is  to  aim  at  and  to  attain  that 
for  which  it  was  formed;  and  its  operation  should  be  put  in 
motion  and  inspired  by  the  end  and  object  which  originally  gave 
it  its  being.  So  that  to  fall  away  from  its  primal  constitution 
is  disease;  to  go  back  to  it  is  recovery.  And  this  may  be  as- 
serted with  the  utmost  truth  both  of  the  State  in  general  and  of 
that  body  of  its  citizens  —  by  far  the  greater  number  —  who 
sustain  life  by  labor. 

THE    CHURCH    SEEKS    THE    MATERIAL    WELFARE    OF    THE   POOR 

Neither  must  it  be  supposed  that  the  solicitude  of  the  Church 
is  so  occupied  with  the  spiritual  concerns  of  its  children  as  to 
neglect  their  interests  temporal  and  earthly.  Its  desire  is  that 
the  poor,  for  example,  should  rise  above  poverty  and  wretched- 
ness, and  should  better  their  condition  in  life;  and  for  this  it 
strives.  By  the  very  fact  that  it  calls  men  to  virtue  and  forms 
them  to  its  practice,  it  promotes  this  in  no  slight  degree.  Chris- 
tian morality,  when  it  is  adequately  and  completely  practiced, 
conduces  of  itself  to  temporal  prosperity,  for  it  merits  the  bless- 
ing of  that  God  who  is  the  source  of  all  blessings ;  it  powerfully 
restrains  the  lust  of  possession  and  the  lust  of  pleasure  —  twin 
plagues,  which  too  often  make  a  man  without  self-restraint 
miserable  in  the  midst  of  abundance;  -^  it  makes  men  supply 
by  economy  for  the  want  of  means,  teaching  them  to  be  con- 
tent with  frugal  living,  and  keeping  them  out  of  the  reach  of 
those  vices  which  eat  up  not  only  merely  small  incomes,  but 
large  fortunes,  and  dissipate  many  a  goodly  inheritance. 

Moreover,  the  Church  intervenes  directly  in  the  interest  of 
the  poor,  by  setting  on  foot  and  keeping  up  many  things  which 
it  sees  to  be  efficacious  in  the  relief  of  poverty.     Here,  again,  it 

23  "  The  root  of  all  evils  is  cupidity."—  I  Tim.  vi,  10. 


Y4  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

Las  always  succeeded  so  well  that  it  has  even  extorted  the  praise 
of  its  enemies.  Such  was  the  ardor  of  brotherly  love  among 
the  earliest  Christians  that  numbers  of  those  who  were  better 
off  deprived  themselves  of  their  possessions  in  order  to  re- 
lieve their  brethren;  whence  neither  was  there  any  one  needy 
among  them?^  To  the  order  of  Deacons,  instituted  for  that 
very  purpose,  was  committed  by  the  Apostles  the  charge  of  the 
daily  distributions;  and  the  Apostle  Paul,  though  burdened 
with  the  solicitude  of  all  the  churches,  hesitated  not  to  under- 
take laborious  journeys  in  order  to  carry  the  alms  of  the  faith- 
ful to  the  poorer  Christians.  Tertullian  calls  these  contribu- 
tions, given  voluntarily  by  Christians  in  their  assemblies,  de- 
posists  of  piety;  because,  to  cite  his  words,  they  were  employed 
in  feeding  the  needy,  in  burying  them,  in  the  support  of  hoys 
and  girls  destitute  of  means  and  deprived  of  their  parents,  in 
the  care  of  the  aged,  and  hi  the  relief  of  the  shipwrecked.^^ 

Thus  by  degrees  came  into  existence  the  patrimony  which 
the  Church  has  guarded  with  jealous  care  as  the  inheritance  of 
the  poor.  Nay,  to  spare  them  the  shame  of  begging,  the  com- 
mon Mother  of  the  rich  and  poor  has  exerted  herself  to  gather 
together  funds  for  the  support  of  the  needy.  The  Church  has 
stirred  up  everywhere  the  heroism  of  charity,  and  has  estab- 
lished Congregations  of  Religious  and  many  other  useful  in- 
stitutions for  help  and  mercy,  so  that  there  might  be  hardly 
any  kind  of  suffering  which  was  not  visited  and  relieved.  At 
the  present  day  there  are  many  who,  like  the  heathen  of  old, 
blame  and  condemn  the  Church  for  this  beautiful  charity. 
They  would  substitute  in  its  place  a  system  of  State-organized 
relief.  But  no  human  methods  will  ever  supply  for  the  devo- 
tion and  self-sacrifice  of  Christian  charity.  Charity,  as  a  vir- 
tue, belongs  to  the  Church ;  for  it  is  no  virtue  unless  it  is  drawn 
from  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus  Christ;  and  he  who  turns  his 
back  on  the  Church  cannot  be  near  to  Christ. 

THE    state's   shake    IN"    THE    RELIEF    OF    POVEUTT 

It  cannot,  however,  be  doubted  that  to  attain  the  purpose  of 
which  We  treat,  not  only  the  Church,  but  all  human  means 

24  Acts  iv,  34. 

25  Apologia  Secunda,  xxxix. 


CO^^DITION  OF  THE  WOEKING  CLASSES        75 

must  conspire.  All  who  are  concerned  in  the  matter  must  be 
of  one  mind  and  must  act  together.  It  is  in  this,  as  in  the 
Providence  which  governs  the  world;  results  do  not  happen 
save  where  all  the  causes  co-operate. 

Let  us  now,  therefore,  inquire  what  part  the  State  should 
play  in  the  work  of  remedy  and  relief. 

By  the  State  We  here  understand,  not  the  particular  form 
of  government  which  prevails  in  this  or  that  nation,  but  the 
State  as  rightly  understood;  that  is  to  say,  any  government 
conformable  in  its  institutions  to  right  reason  and  natural  law, 
and  to  those  dictates  of  the  Divine  wisdom  which  We  have 
expounded  in  the  Encyclical  on  the  Christian  Constitution  of 
the  State.  The  first  duty,  therefore,  of  the  rulers  of  the 
State  should  be  to  make  sure  that  the  laws  and  institutions,  the 
general  character  and  administration  of  the  commonwealth,  shall 
be  such  as  to  produce  of  themselves  public  well-being  and  private 
prosperity.  This  is  the  proper  office  of  wise  statesmanship  and 
the  work  of  the  heads  of  the  State.  Now  a  State  chiefly  pros- 
pers and  flourishes  by  morality,  by  well-regulated  family  life, 
by  respect  for  religion  and  justice,  by  the  moderation  and  equal 
distribution  of  public  burdens,  by  the  progress  of  the  arts  and 
of  trade,  by  the  abundant  yield  of  the  land  —  by  everything 
which  makes  the  citizens  better  and  happier.  Here,  then,  it 
is  in  the  power  of  a  ruler  to  benefit  every  order  of  the  State, 
and  amongst  the  rest  to  promote  in  the  highest  degree  the 
interests  of  the  poor ;  and  this  by  virtue  of  his  office,  and  with- 
out being  exposed  to  any  suspicion  of  undue  interference  —  for 
it  is  the  province  of  the  commonwealth  to  consult  for  the  com- 
mon good.  And  the  more  that  is  done  for  the  working  popu- 
lation by  the  general  laws  of  the  country,  the  less  need  will 
there  be  to  seek  for  particular  means  to  relieve  them.  There 
is  another  and  a  deeper  consideration  which  must  not  be  lost 
sight  of. 

TO    THE    STATE    THE    INTERESTS    OF   ALL    AEE    EQUAL 

Whether  high  or  low.  The  poor  are  members  of  the  national 
community  equally  with  the  rich :  they  are  real  component  parts, 
living  parts,  which  make  up,  through  the  family,  the  living 


76  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

body;  and  it  need  hardly  be  said  that  they  are  by  far  the  ma- 
jority. It  would  be  irrational  to  neglect  one  portion  of  the 
citizens  and  to  favor  another ;  and  therefore  the  public  adminis- 
tration must  duly  and  solicitously  provide  for  the  welfare  and 
the  comfort  of  the  working  people,  or  else  that  law  of  justice 
will  be  violated  which  ordains  that  each  shall  have  his  due. 
To  cite  the  wise  words  of  St.  Thomas  of  Aquin:  As  the  part 
and  the  whale  are  in  a  certain  sense  identical,  the  part  may- 
in  some  sense  claim  what  belongs  to  the  whole.^^  Among  the 
many  and  grave  duties  of  rulers  who  would  do  their  best  for  the 
people,  the  first  and  chief  is  to  act  with  strict  justice  —  with 
that  justice  which  is  called  in  the  Schools  distributive  — 
towards  each  and  every  class. 

But  although  all  citizens,  without  exception,  can  and  ought  to 
contribute  to  that  common  good  in  which  individuals  share  so 
profitably  to  themselves,  yet  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all 
can  contribute  in  the  same  way  and  to  the  same  extent.  No 
njatter  what  changes  may  be  made  in  forms  of  government, 
(here  will  always  be  differences  and  inequalities  of  condition  in 
the  State;  Society  cannot  exist  or  be  conceived  without  them. 
Some  there  must  be  who  dedicate  themselves  to  the  work  of 
the  commonwealth,  who  make  the  laws,  who  administer  justice, 
whose  advice  and  authority  govern  the  nation  in  times  of  peace, 
and  defend  it  in  war.  Such  men  clearly  occupy  the  foremost 
place  in  the  State,  and  should  be  held  in  the  foremost  estima- 
tion, for  their  work  touches  most  nearly  and  effectively  the 
general  interests  of  the  community.  Those  who  labor  at  a  trade 
or  calling  do  not  promote  the  general  welfare  in  such  a  fashion 
as  this;  but  they  do  in  the  most  important  way  benefit  the 
nation,  though  less  directly.  We  have  insisted  that,  since  it  is 
the  end  of  Society  to  make  men  better,  the  chief  good  that 
Society  can  be  possessed  of  is  Virtue.  Nevertheless,  in  all 
well-constituted  States  it  is  a  by  no  means  unimportant  matter 
to  provide  those  bodily  and  external  commodities,  the  use  of 
which  is  necessary  to  virtuous  action.-'^  And  in  the  provision 
of  material  well-being,  the  labor  of  the  poor  —  the  exercise  of 

26  2a  2ae,  Q.  Ixi,  Art.  1  and  2. 

27  St.  Thomas  of  Aquin.     De  Regimvne  Principum,  I,  cap.  15. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        11 

their  skill  and  the  employment  of  their  strength  in  the  culture 
of  the  land  and  the  workshops  of  trade  —  is  most  efficacious  and 
altogether  indispensable.  Indeed,  their  co-operation  in  this  re- 
spect is  so  important  that  it  may  be  truly  said  that 

IT   IS    ONLT    BY    THE!   LABOE    OF    THE   WOBKING    MAN    THAT 
STATES    GROW    RICH 

Justice,  therefore,  demands  that  the  interests  of  the  poorer 
population  be  carefully  watched  over  by  the  Administration,  so 
that  they  who  contribute  so  largely  to  the  advantage  of  the 
community  may  themselves  shai'e  in  the  benefits  they  create  — 
that  being  housed,  clothed,  and  enabled  to  support  life,  they 
may  find  their  existence  less  hard  and  more  endurable.  It 
follows  that  whatever  shall  appear  to  be  conducive  to  the  well- 
being  of  those  who  work,  should  receive  favorable  consideration. 
Let  it  not  be  feared  that  solicitude  of  this  kind  will  injure  any 
interest;  on  the  contrary,  it  will  be  to  the  advantage  of  all; 
for  it  cannot  but  be  good  for  the  commonwealth  to  secure  from 
misery  those  on  whom  it  so  largely  depends. 

THE    CHRISTIAN    IDEA    OF    A    STATE 

We  have  said  that  the  State  must  not  absorb  the  individual 
or  the  family ;  both  should  be  allowed  free  and  untrammelled 
action  as  far  as  is  consistent  with  the  common  good  and  the 
interests  of  others.  Nevertheless,  rulers  should  anxiously  safe- 
guard the  community  and  all  its  parts ;  the  community,  because 
the  conservation  of  the  community  is  so  emphatically  the  busi- 
ness of  the  supreme  power,  that  the  safety  of  the  commonwealth 
is  not  only  the  first  law,  but  it  is  a  Government's  whole  reason 
of  existence;  and  the  parts,  because  both  philosophy  and  the 
Gospel  agree  in  laying  down  that  the  object  of  the  administra- 
tion of  the  State  should  be  not  the  advantage  of  the  ruler,  but 
the  benefit  of  those  over  whom  he  rules.  The  gift  of  authority 
is  from  God,  and  is,  as  it  were,  a  participation  of  the  highest 
of  all  sovereignties;  and  it  should  be  exercised  as  the  power 
of  God  is  exercised  —  with  a  fatherly  solicitude  which  not  only 
guides  the  whole  but  reaches  to  details  as  well. 

Whenever  the  general  interest  or  any  particular  class  suffers, 


18  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

or  is  threatened  with,  evils  which  can  in  no  other  way  be  met, 
the  public  authority  must  step  in  to  meet  them.  Now,  among 
the  interests  of  the  public,  as  of  private  individuals,  are  these : 
that  peace  and  good  order  should  be  maintained;  that  family 
life  should  be  carried  on  in  accordance  with  God's  laws  and 
those  of  nature ;  that  Religion  should  be  reverenced  and  obeyed ; 
that  a  high  standard  of  morality  should  prevail  in  public  and 
private  life;  that  the  sanctity  of  justice  should  be  respected, 
and  that  no  one  should  injure  another  with  impunity;  that 
the  members  of  the  commonwealth  should  grow  up  to  man's 
estate  strong  and  robust,  and  capable,  if  need  be,  of  guarding 
and  defending  their  country.  If  by  a  strike,  or  other  combina- 
tion of  workmen,  there  should  be  imminent  danger  of  disturb- 
ance to  the  public  peace;  or  if  circumstances  were  such  that 
among  the  laboring  population  the  ties  of  family  life  were 
relaxed ;  if  Religion  were  found  to  suffer  through  the  workmen 
not  having  time  and  opportunity  to  practice  it;  if  in  work- 
shops and  factories  there  were  danger  to  morals  through  the 
mixing  of  the  sexes  or  from  any  occasion  of  evil;  or  if  em- 
ployers laid  burdens  upon  the  workmen  which  were  unjust,  or 
degraded  them  with  conditions  that  were  repugnant  to  their 
dignity  as  human  beings;  finally,  if  health  were  endangered 
by  excessive  labor,  or  by  work  unsuited  to  sex  or  age  —  in  these 
cases  there  can  be  no  question  that,  within  certain  limits,  it 
would  be  right  to  call  in  the  help  and  authority  of  the  law. 
The  limits  must  be  determined  by  the  nature  of  the  occasion 
which  calls  for  the  law's  interference  —  the  principle  being 
this,  that  the  law  must  not  undertai:e  more,  nor  go  further, 
than  is  required  for  the  remedy  of  the  evil  or  the  removal  of 
the  danger. 

SPECIAl.    CONSIDEEATION    DUE    TO    THE    POOE 

Rights  must  be  religiously  respected  wherever  they  are  found ; 
and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  public  authority  to  prevent  and  punish 
injury,  and  to  protect  each  one  in  the  possession  of  his  own. 

Still,  when  there  is  question  of  protecting  the  rights  of  in- 
dividuals, the  poor  and  helpless  have  a  claim  to  special  con- 
sideration.    The  richer  population  have  many  ways  of  pro- 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        79 

tecting  themselves,  and  stand  less  in  need  of  help  from  the 
State;  those  who  are  badly  off  have  no  resources  of  the  their 
own  to  fall  back  upon,  and  must  chiefly  rely  upon  the  assistance 
of  the  State.  And  it  is  for  this  reason  that  wage-earners, 
M'ho  are,  undoubtedly,  among  the  weak  and  necessitous,  should 
be  specially  cared  for  and  protected  by  the  commonwealth. 

Here,  however,  it  will  be  advisable  to  advert  expressly  to 
one  or  two  of  the  more  important  details. 

THE    STATE    SHOULD    SAFEGUAED    PRIVATE    PEOPEETY 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  chief  thing  to  be  secured 
is  the  safe-guarding,  by  legal  enactment  and  policy,  of  private 
property.  Most  of  all  it  is  essential  in  these  times  of  covetous 
greed,  to  keep  the  multitude  within  the  line  of  duty;  for  if 
all  may  justly  strive  to  better  their  condition,  yet  neither 
justice  nor  the  common  good  allows  anyone  to  seize  that  which 
belongs  to  another,  or,  under  the  pretext  of  futile  and  ridiculous 
equality,  to  lay  hands  on  other  people's  fortunes.  It  is  most 
true  that  by  far  the  larger  part  of  the  people  who  work  prefer 
to  improve  themselves  by  honest  labor  rather  than  by  doing 
wrong  to  others.  But  there  are  not  a  few  who  are  imbued  with 
bad  principles  and  are  anxious  for  revolutionary  change,  and 
whose  great  purpose  it  is  to  stir  up  tumult  and  bring  about  a 
policy  of  violence.  The  authority  of  the  State  should  inter- 
vene to  put  restraint  upon  these  disturbers,  to  save  the  workmen 
from  their  seditious  arts,  and  to  protect  lawful  owners  from 
spoliation. 

THE    STATE    MUST    PEOTECT    THE   LABOEEEs'    EIGHTS 

When  work-people  have  recourse  to  a  strike,  it  is  frequently 
because  the  hours  of  labor  are  too  long,  or  the  work  too  hard, 
or  because  they  consider  their  wages  insuflicient.  The  grave 
inconvenience  of  this  not  uncommon  occurrence  should  be  ob- 
viated by  public  remedial  measures;  for  such  paralysis  of 
labor  not  only  affects  the  masters  and  their  work-people,  but  is 
extremely  injurious  to  trade,  and  to  the  general  interests  of 
the  public ;  moreover,  on  such  occasions,  violence  and  disorder 
are  generally  not  far  off,  and  thus  it  frequently  happens  that 


80  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

the  public  peace  is  threatened.  The  laws  should  be  before- 
hand, and  prevent  these  troubles  from  arising ;  thej  should  lend 
their  influence  and  authority  to  tlie  removal  in  good  time  of 
the  causes  which  lead  to  conflicts  between  masters  and  those 
whom  thev  employ. 

But  if  the  owners  of  property  must  be  made  secure,  the 
workman,  too,  has  property  and  possessions  in  which  he  must 
be  protected ;  and,  first  of  all,  there  are  his  spiritual  and  mental 
interests.  Life  on  earth,  however  good  and  desirable  in  itself, 
is  not  the  final  purpose  for  which  man  is  created;  it  is  only 
the  way  and  the  means  to  that  attainment  of  truth,  and  that 
practice  of  goodness  in  which  the  full  life  of  the  soul  consists. 
It  is  the  soul  which  is  made  after  the  image  and  likeness  of 
God;  it  is  in  the  soul  that  sovereignty  resides,  in  virtue  of  which 
man  is  conmaanded  to  rule  the  creatures  below  him,  and  to 
use  all  the  earth  and  ocean  for  his  profit  and  advantage.  Fill 
the  earth  and  subdue  it;  and  rule  over  the  fishes  of  the  sea  and 
the  fowls  of  the  air,  and  all  living  creatures  which  move  upon 
the  earth.^^  In  this  respect  all  men  are  equal;  there  is  no 
difference  between  rich  and  poor,  master  and  servant,  ruler  and 
ruled,  for  tlie  same  is  Lord  over  all.^^  No  man  may  outrage 
with  impunity  that  human  dignity  which  God  Himself  treats 
with  revereyice,  nor  stand  in  the  way  of  that  higher  life  which  is 
the  preparation  for  the  eternal  life  of  Heaven.  Nay,  more;  a 
man  has  here  no  power  over  himself.  To  consent  to  any  treat- 
ment which  is  calculated  to  defeat  the  end  and  purpose  of  his 
being  is  beyond  his  right;  he  cannot  give  up  his  soul  to  servi- 
tude; for  it  is  not  man's  own  rights  which  are  here  in  ques- 
tion, but  the  rights  of  God,  most  sacred  and  inviolable. 

!From  this  follows  the  obligation  of  the  cessation  of  work  and  i 
labor  on  Sundays  and  certain  festivals.  This  rest  from  labor 
is  not  to  be  understood  as  mere  idleness;  much  less  must  it 
be  an  occasion  of  spending  money  and  a  vicious  excess,  as 
many  would  desire  it  to  be;  but  it  should  be  rest  from  labor 
consecrated  by  religion.  Repose  united  with  religious  observ- 
ance disposes  man  to  forget  for  a  while  the  business  of  this 

28  Genesis  i,  28. 

29  Romans  x,  12. 


COIs'DITIO:N'  of  the  working  classes        81 

daily  life,  and  to  turn  his  thouglits  to  heavenly  things  and  to 
the  worship  which  he  so  strictly  owes  to  the  Eternal  Deity.  It 
is  this,  above  all,  which  is  the  reason  and  motive  of  the  Sunday 
rest ;  a  rest  sanctioned  by  God's  great  law  of  the  ancient  cove- 
nant, Remember  thou  keep  holy  the  Sabbath  day/^^  and  taught 
to  the  world  by  His  own  mysterious  "  rest "  after  the  crea- 
tion of  man;  He  rested  on  the  seventh  day  from  all  His  work 
which  He  had  done.^^ 

SAVE    THE    LABORERS    FROM    THE    CRUELTT    OF    SPECULATORS 

IN    LABOR 

If  we  turn  now  to  things  exterior  and  corporeal,  the  first  con- 
cern of  all  is  to  save  the  poor  workers  from  the  cruelty  of 
grasping  speculators,  who  use  human  beings  as  mere  instru- 
ments for  making  money.  It  is  neither  justice  nor  humanity 
so  to  grind  men  down  with  excessive  labor  as  to  stupefy  their 
minds  and  wear  out  their  bodies.  Man's  powers  like  his 
general  nature,  are  limited,  and  beyond  these  limits  he  can- 
not go.  His  strength  is  devoted  and  increased  by  use  and  exer- 
cise, but  only  on  condition  of  due  intermission  and  proper 
rest.  Daily  labor,  therefore,  must  be  so  regulated  that  it 
may  not  be  protracted  during  longer  hours  than  strength  ad- 
mits. How  many  and  how  long  the  intervals  of  rest  should 
be,  will  depend  upon  the  nature  of  the  work,  on  circumstances 
of  time  and  place,  and  on  the  health  and  strength  of  the  work- 
man. Those  who  labor  in  mines  and  quarries,  and  in  work 
within  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  should  have  shorter  hours  in 
proportion,  as  their  labor  'is  more  severe  and  more  trying  to 
health.  Then,  again,  the  season  of  the  year  must  be  taken  into 
account;  for  not  unfrequently  a  kind  of  labor  is  easy  at  one 
time  which  at  another  is  intolerable  or  very  difficult.  Finally, 
work  which  is  suitable  for  a  strong  man  cannot  reasonably  be 
required  from  a  woman  or  a  child. 

A    WORD    ON    CIIILD-LAJBOR 

And,  in  regard  to  children,  gi-eat  care  should  be  taken  not 
to  place  them  in  workshops  and  factories  until  their  bodies  and 

so  Exodus  XX,  8. 
81  Genesis  ii,  2,  9. 


82  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

minds  are  sufficiently  mature.  For  just  as  rough  weather  de- 
stroys the  buds  of  spring,  so  too  early  an  experience  of  life's 
hard  work  blights  the  young  promise  of  a  child's  powers,  and 
makes  any  real  education  impossible.  Women,  again,  are  not 
suited  to  certain  trades;  for  a  woman  is  by  nature  fitted  for 
home-work,  and  it  is  that  which  is  best  adapted  at  once  to 
preserve  her  modesty,  and  to  promote  the  good  bringing  up  of 
children  and  the  well-being  of  the  family.  As  a  general  prin- 
ciple, it  may  be  laid  down,  that  a  workman  ought  to  have 
leisure  and  rest  in  proportion  to  the  wear  and  tear  of  his 
strength;  for  the  waste  of  strength  must  be  repaired  by  the 
cessation  of  work. 

In  all  agreements  between  masters  and  work-people,  there  is 
always  the  condition*,  expressed  or  understood,  that  there  be 
allowed  proper  rest  for  soul  and  body.  To  agree  in  any  other 
sense  would  be  against  what  is  right  and  just;  for  it  can  never 
be  right  or  just  to  require  on  the  one  side,  or  to  promise  on 
the  other,  the  giving  up  of  those  duties  which  a  man  owes  to 
his  God  and  to  himself. 

employers'  moral;  obligatioi?'  to  pay  fair  wages 

We  now  approach  a  subject  of  very  great  importance  and  one 
on  which,  if  extremes  are  to  be  avoided,  right  ideas  are  ab- 
solutely necessary.  Wages,  we  are  told,  are  fixed  by  free  con- 
sent; and,  therefore,  the  employer  when  he  pays  what  was 
agreed  upon,  has  done  his  part,  and  is  not  called  upon  for 
an}i;hing  further.  The  only  way,  it  is  said,  in  which  injustice 
could  happen,  would  be  if  the  master  refused  to  pay  the  whole 
of  the  wages,  or  the  workman  would  not  complete  the  work 
undertaken;  when  this  happens  the  State  should  intervene,  to 
see  that  each  obtains  his  own,  but  not  in  any  other  circumstances. 

This  mode  of  reasoning  is  by  no  means  convincing  to  a  fair- 
minded  man,  for  there  are  important  considerations  which  it 
leaves  out  of  view  altogether.  To  labor  is  to  exert  one's  self 
for  the  sake  of  procuring  what  is  necessary  for  the  purposes  of 
life,  and  most  of  all  for  self-preservation.  In  the  siveat  of  thy 
trow  thou  shalt  eat  hread.^^     Therefore,  a  man's  labor  has  two 

82  Genesis  iii,  1. 


C0:N^DITI0N  of  the  WOEKING  classes        83 

notes  or  characters.  First  of  all,  it  is  personal;  for  the  exer- 
tion of  individual  power  belongs  to  the  individual  who  puts  it 
forth,  employing  this  power  for  that  personal  profit  for  which 
it  was  given.  Secondly,  man's  labor  is  necessary;  for  with- 
out the  results  of  labor  a  man  cannot  live ;  and  self-conservation 
is  a  law  of  Nature,  which  it  is  wrong  to  disobey.  Now,  if  we 
were  to  consider  labor  merely  so  far  as  it  is  personal,  doubt- 
less it  would  be  within  the  workman's  right  to  accept  any  rate 
of  wages  whatever;  for  in  the  same  way  as  he  is  free  to  work 
or  not,  so  he  is  free  to  accept  a  small  remuneration  or  even 
none  at  all.  But  this  is  a  mere  abstract  supposition ;  the  labor 
of  the  working  man  is  not  only  his  personal  attribute,  but  it' 
is  necessary;  and  this  makes  all  the  difference.  The  preserva-  • 
tion  of  life  is  the  bounden  duty  of  each  and  all,  and  to  fail 
therein  is  a  crime.  It  follows  that  each  one  has  a  right  to 
procure  what  is  required  in  order  to  live;  and  the  poor  can 
procure  it  in  no  other  way  than  by  work  and  wages. 

Let  it  be  granted,  then,  that,  as  a  rule,  workman  and  em- 
ployer should  make  free  agreements,  and  in  particular  should 
freely  agree  as  to  wages;  nevertheless,  there  is  a  dictate  of  na- 
ture more  imperious  and  more  ancient  than  any  bargain  be- 
tween man  and  man,  that  the  remuneration  must  be  enough 
to  support  the  wage-earner  in  reasonable  and  frugal  comfort. 
If  through  necessity  or  fear  of  a  worse  evil,  the  workman  ac- 
cepts harder  conditions  because  an  employer  or  contractor  will 
give  him  no  better,  he  is  the  victim  of  force  and  injustice.  In 
these  and  similar  questions,  however  —  such  as,  for  example, 
the  hours  of  labor  in  different  trades,  the  sanitary  precautions 
to  be  observed  in  factories  and  workshops,  etc. —  in  order  to 
supersede  undue  interference  on  the  part  of  the  State,  especially 
as  circumstances,  times,  and  localities  differ  so  widely,  it  is  ad- 
visable that  recourse  be  had  to  Societies  or  Boards  such  as  We 
shall  mention  presently,  or  to  some  other  method  of  safe-guard- 
ing the  interests  of  wage-earners ;  the  State  to  be  asked  for  ap- 
proval and  protection. 


84  CHURCH  AI^D  LABOR 

THE    STATE    SHOULD   FAVOE    MULTIPLICATION    OF    PEOPEKTY 

OWNEBS 

If  a  workman's  wages  be  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  main- 
tain himself,  his  wife,  and  his  children  in  reasonable  com- 
fort, he  will  not  find  it  difficult,  if  he  is  a  sensible  man,  to 
study  economy ;  and  he  will  not  fail,  by  cutting  down  expenses, 
to  put  by  a  little  property:  nature  and  reason  would  urge 
him  to  do  this.  We  have  seen  that  this  great  Labor  question 
cannot  be  solved  except  by  assuming  as  a  principle  that  private 
ownership  must  be  held  sacred  and  inviolable.  The  law,  there- 
fore, should  favor  ownership,  and  its  policy  should  be  to  induce 
as  many  people  as  possible  to  become  owners. 

Many  excellent  results  will  follow  from  this ;  and  first  of  all, 
property  will  certainly  become  more  equitably  divided.  For 
the  effect  of  civil  change  and  revolution  has  been  to  divide 
society  into  two  widely  different  castes.  On  the  one  side  there 
is  the  party  which  holds  the  power  because  it  holds  the  wealth ; 
which  has  in  its  grasp  all  labor  and  trade;  which  manipulates 
for  its  own  benefit  and  its  own  purposes  all  the  sources  of 
supply,  and  which  is  powerfully  represented  in  the  councils  of 
the  State  itself.  On  the  other  side  there  is  the  needy  and 
powerless  multitude,  sore  and  suffering,  always  ready  for  dis- 
turbance. If  working  people  can  be  encouraged  to  look  for- 
ward to  obtaining  a  share  in  the  land,  the  result  will  be  that 
the  gulf  between  vast  wealth  and  deep  poverty  will  be  bridged 
over,  and  the  two  orders  will  be  brought  nearer  together.  An- 
other consequence  will  be  the  greater  abundance  of  the  fruits  of 
the  earth.  Men  always  work  harder  and  more  readily  when 
they  work  on  that  which  is  their  own;  nay,  they  learn  to  love 
the  very  soil  which  yields  in  response  to  the  labor  of  their 
hands,  not  only  food  to  eat,  but  an  abundance  of  the  good  things 
for  themselves  and  those  that  are  dear  to  them.  It  is  evident 
how  such  a  spirit  of  willing  labor  would  add  to  the  produce 
of  the  earth  and  to  the  wealth  of  the  community.  And  a  third 
advantage  would  arise  from  this:  men  would  cling  to  the  coun- 
try in  which  they  were  bom ;  for  no  one  would  exchange  his 
country  for  a  foreign  land  if  his  own  afforded  him  the  means 
of  living  a  tolerable  and  happy  life.     These  three  important 


COiVDITION  OF  THE  WORKIKG  CLASSES        85 

benefits,  however,  can  only  be  expected  on  the  condition  that 
a  man's  means  be  not  drained  and  exhausted  by  excessive  taxa- 
tion. The  right  to  possess  private  property  is  from  nature,  not 
from  man;  and  the  State  has  only  the  right  to  regulate  its  use 
in  the  interests  of  the  public  good,  but  by  no  means  to  abolish 
it  altogether.  The  State  is,  therefore,  unjust  and  cruel,  if,  in 
the  name  of  taxation,  it  deprives  the  private  owner  of  more 
than  is  just. 

MULTIPLY    WORKINGMEN's    ASSOCIATIONS 

In  the  last  place  —  employers  and  workmen  may  themselves 
effect  much  in  the  matter  of  which  We  treat,  by  means  of 
those  institutions  and  organizations  which  afford  opportune  as- 
sistance to  those  in  need,  and  which  draw  the  two  orders  more 
closely  together.  Among  these  may  be  enumerated:  Societies 
for  mutual  help;  various  foundations  established  by  private 
persons  for  providing  for  the  workman,  and  for  his  widow  or 
his  orphans,  in  sudden  calamity,  in  sickness,  and  in  the  event 
of  death ;  and  what  are  called  "  patronages,"  or  institutions  for 
the  care  of  boys  and  girls,  for  young  people,  and  also  for  those 
of  more  mature  age. 

The  most  important  of  all  are  Workmen's  Associations;  for 
these  virtually  include  all  the  rest.  History  attests  what  ex- 
cellent results  were  effected  by  the  Artificers'  Guilds  of  a 
former  day.  They  were  the  means  not  only  of  many  advantages 
to  the  workmen,  but  in  no  small  degree  of  the  advancement  of 
art,  as  numerous  monuments  remain  to  prove.  Such  associa- 
tions should  be  adapted  to  the  requirements  of  the  age  in  which 
we  live  —  an  age  of  greater  instruction,  of  different  customs, 
and  of  more  numerous  requirements  in  daily  life.  It  is  grati- 
fying to  know  that  there  are  actually  in  existence  not  a  few 
Societies  of  this  nature,  consisting  either  of  workmen  alone, 
or  of  workmen  and  employers  together;  but  it  were  greatly 
to  be  desired  that  they  should  multiply  and  become  more 
effective.  We  have  spoken  of  them  more  than  once;  but  it 
will  be  well  to  explain  here  how  much  they  are  needed,  to  show 
that  they  exist  by  their  own  right,  and  to  enter  into  their  or- 
ganization and  their  work. 


86  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

The  experience  of  his  own  weakness  urges  man  to  call  in 
help  from  without.  We  read  in  the  pages  of  Holy  Writ:  It  is 
better  that  two  should  he  together  than  one;  for  they  have  the 
advantage  of  their  society.  If  one  fall  he  shall  be  supported 
by  the  other.  Woe  to  him  that  is  alone,  for  when  he  falleth 
he  hath  none  to  lift  him  up.^^  And  further:  A  brother  that 
is  helped  by  his  brother  is  like  a  strong  city.^*  It  is  this  natural 
impulse  which  unites  men  in  civil  society;  and  it  is  this  also 
which  makes  them  band  themselves  together  in  associations  of 
citizen  with  citizen;  associations  which,  it  is  true,  cannot  be 
called  societies  in  the  complete  sense  of  the  word,  but  which 
are  societies  nevertheless. 

These  lesser  societies  and  the  society  which  constitutes  the 
State  differ  in  many  things,  because  their  immediate  purpose 
and  end  is  different.  Civil  society  exists  for  the  common  good, 
and,  therefore^  is  concerned  with  the  interests  of  all  in  general, 
and  with  the  individual  interests  in  their  due  place  and  pro- 
portion. Hence,  it  is  called  public  society,  because  by  its 
means,  as  St.  Thomas  of  Aquin  says,  Men  communicate  with 
one  another  in  the  setting  up  of  a  commonwealth.^^  But  the 
societies  which  are  formed  in  the  bosom  of  the  State  are  called 
private,  and  justly  so,  because  their  immediate  purpose  is  the 
private  advantage  of  the  associates.  Now,  a  private  society, 
says  St.  Thomas  again,  is  one  which  is  fotmed  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  out  private  business;  as  when  two  or  three  enter 
into  partnership  with  the  view  of  trading  in  conjunction.^^ 
Particular  societies,  then,  although  they  exist  within  the  State, 
and  are  each  a  part  of  the  State,  nevertheless  cannot  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  State  absolutely  and  as  such.  For  to  enter 
into  "  society  "  of  this  kind  is  the  natural  right  of  man ;  and 
the  State  must  protect  natural  rights,  not  destroy  them ;  and  if 
it  forbids  its  citizens  to  form  associations,  it  contradicts  the 
very  principle  of  its  own  existence ;  for  both  they  and  it  exist 
in  virtue  of  the  same  principle,  viz.,  the  natural  propensity 
of  man  to  live  in  society. 

33  Ecclesiastes  iv,  9,  10. 

34  Proverbs  xv,  3,  19. 

35  Contra  impugnantes  Dei  cultum  et  religionem,  cap.   II. 

36  Ibid. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        87 

There  are  times,  no  doubt,  when  it  is  right  that  the  law  should 
interfere  to  prevent  association;  as  when  men  join  together  for 
purposes  which  are  evidently  bad,  unjust  or  dangerous  to  the 
State.  In  such  cases  the  public  authority  may  justly  forbid 
the  formation  of  associations,  and  may  dissolve  them  when  they 
already  exist.  But  every  precaution  should  be  taken  not  to 
violate  the  rights  of  individuals,  and  not  to  make  unreasonable 
regulations  under  the  pretense  of  public  benefit.  Eor  laws  only 
bind  when  they  are  in  accordance  with  right  reason,  and  there- 
fore with  the  eternal  law  of  God.^^ 

THE    ADVANTAGES    OF    LAWFUL,    COMBINATION 

And  here  we  are  reminded  of  the  Confraternities,  Societies, 
and  Religious  Orders  which  have  arisen  by  the  Church's  author- 
ity and  the  piety  of  the  Christian  people.  The  annals  of  every 
nation  down  to  our  own  times  testify  to  what  they  have  done 
for  the  human  race.  It  is  indisputable  on  grounds  of  reason 
alone,  that  such  associations,  being  perfectly  blameless  in  their 
objects,  have  the  sanction  of  the  law  of  nature.  On  their  re- 
ligious side,  they  rightly  claim  to  be  responsible  to  the  Church 
alone.  The  administrators  of  the  State,  therefore,  have  no 
rights  over  them,  nor  can  they  claim  any  share  in  their  manage- 
ment; on  the  contrary,  it  is  the  State's  duty  to  respect  and 
cherish  them,  and,  if  necessary,  to  defend  them  from  attack. 
It  is  notorious  that  a  very  different  course  has  been  followed, 
more  especially  in  our  own  times.  In  many  places  the  State 
has  laid  violent  hands  on  these  communities,  and  committed 
manifold  injustice  against  them;  it  has  placed  them  under  the 
civil  law,  taken  away  their  rights  as  corporate  bodies,  and 
robbed  them  of  their  property.  In  such  property  the  Church 
had  her  rights,  each  member  of  the  body  had  his  or  her  rights, 
and  there  were  also  the  rights  of  those  who  had  founded  or 
endowed  them  for  a  definite  purpose,  and  of  those  for  whose 
benefit  and  assistance  they  existed.     Wherefore,  We  cannot  re- 

37  Human  law  is  law  only  i/n  virtue  of  its  accordance  with  right  reason : 
and  thus  it  is  manifest  that  it  flows  from  the  eternal  law.  And  in  so  far 
as  it  deviates  from  right  reason  it  is  called  an  unjust  law;  in  such  case  it 
is  not  law  at  all,  but  rather  a  species  of  violence. —  St.  Thomas  of  Aquin, 
Summa  Theologica,  la  2ae,  Q.  xciii,  Art.  3. 


88  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

frain  from  complaining  of  such,  spoliation  as  unjust  and  fraught 
v.ith  evil  results ;  and  with  the  more  reason  because,  at  the  very 
time  when  the  law  proclaims  that  association  is  free  to  all, 
We  see  that  Catholic  societies,  however  peaceable  and  useful,  are 
hindered  in  every  way,  whilst  the  utmost  freedom  is  given  to 
men  whose  objects  are  at  once  hurtful  to  Religion  and  danger- 
ous to  the  State. 

Associations  of  every  kind,  and  especially  those  of  working 
men,  are  now  far  more  common  than  formerly.  In  regard  to 
many  of  these  there  is  no  need  at  present  to  inquire  whence 
they  spring,  what  are  their  objects  or  what  means  they  use. 
But  there  is  a  good  deal  of  evidence  which  goes  to  prove  that 
many  of  these  societies  are  in  the  hands  of  invisible  leaders, 
and  are  managed  on  principles  far  from  compatible  with 
Christianity  and  the  public  well-being;  and  that  they  do  their 
best  to  get  into  their  hands  the  whole  field  of  labor  and  to  force 
workmen  either  to  join  them  or  to  starve.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances the  Christian  workmen  must  do  one  of  two  things: 
cither  join  associations  in  which  their  religion  will  be  exposed 

'  J  to  peril,  or  form  associations  among  themselves  —  unite  their 
forces  and  courageously  shake  off  the  yoke  of  unjust  and 
intolerable  oppression.     N^o  one  who  does  not  wish  to  expose 

[  man's  chief  good  to  extreme  danger  will  hesitate  to  say  that 
the  second  alternative  must  by  all  means  be  adopted. 

CATHOLIC    BENEFIT    AJSTD    IN'SURANCH    SOCIETIES 

Those  Catholics  are  worthy  of  all  praise  —  and  there  are 
not  a  few  —  who,  understanding  what  the  times  require,  have, 
by  various  enterprises  and  experiments,  endeavored  to  better 
the  condition  of  the  working  people  without  any  sacrifice  of 
principle.  They  have  taken  up  the  cause  of  the  working  man, 
and  have  striven  to  make  both  families  and  individuals  better 
off;  to  infuse  the  spirit  of  justice  into  the  mutual  relations  of 
employer  and  employed ;  to  keep  before  the  eyes  of  both  classes 
the  precepts  of  duty  and  the  laws  of  the  Gospel  —  that  Gospel 
which,  by  inculcating  self-restraint,  keeps  men  within  the 
bounds  of  moderation,  and  tends  to  establish  harmony  among 
the  divergent  interests  and  various  classes  which  compose  the 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES       89 

State.  It  is  with  such  ends  in  view  that  We  see  men  of  emi- 
nence meeting  together  for  discussion,  for  the  promotion  of 
united  action,  and  for  practical  work.  Others,  again,  strive  to 
unite  working  people  of  various  kinds  into  associations,  help 
them  with  their  advice  and  their  means,  and  enable  them  to  ob- 
tain honest  and  profitable  work.  The  Bishops,  on  their  part, 
bestow  their  ready  good-will  and  support ;  and  with  their  ap- 
proval and  guidance  many  members  of  the  clergy,  both  secular 
and  regular,  labor  assiduously  on  behalf  of  the  spiritual  and 
mental  interests  of  the  members  of  Associations.  And  there 
are  not  wanting  Catholics  possessed  of  affluence,  who  have,  as 
it  were,  cast  their  lot  with  the  wage-earners,  and  who  have  spent 
large  sums  in  founding  and  widely  spreading  Benefit  and  In- 
surance Societies,  by  means  of  which  the  working  man  may 
without  difficulty  acquire  by  his  labor  not  only  many  present 
advantages,  but  also  the  certainty  of  honorable  support  in  time 
to  come.  How  much  this  multiplied  and  earnest  activity  has 
benefited  the  community  at  large  is  too  well  known  to  require 
Us  to  dwell  upon  it.  We  find  in  it  the  grounds  of  the  most 
cheering  hope  for  the  future;  provided  that  the  Associations 
We  have  described  continue  to  grow  and  spread,  and  are  well 
and  wisely  administered.  Let  the  State  watch  over  these  So- 
cieties of  citizens  united  together  in  the  exercise  of  their  right ; 
but  let  it  not  thrust  itself  into  their  peculiar  concerns  and  their 
organization,  for  things  move  and  live  by  the  soul  within  them, 
and  they  may  be  killed  by  the  grasp  of  a  hand  from  without. 

In  order  that  an  Association  may  be  carried  on  with  a  unity 
of  purpose  and  harmony  of  action,  its  organization  and  govern- 
ment must  be  finn  and  wise.  All  such  Societies,  being  free  to 
exist,  have  the  further  right  to  adopt  such  rules  and  organiza- 
tion as  may  best  conduce  to  the  attainment  of  their  objects. 
We  do  not  deem  it  possible  to  enter  into  definite  details  on  the 
subject  of  organization ;  this  must  depend  on  national  character, 
on  practice  and  experience,  on  the  nature  and  scope  of  the  work 
to  be  done,  on  the  magnitude  of  the  various  trades  and  em- 
ployments, and  on  other  circumstances  of  fact  and  of  time  — 
all  of  which  must  be  carefully  weighed. 


90  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

ror^'D    THE    ORGANIZATIONS    ON    EELIGION 

Speaking  summarily,  we  may  lay  it  down  as  a  general  and 
perpetual  law,  that  Workmen's  Associations  should  be  so  or- 
ganized and  governed  as  to  furnish  the  best  and  most  suitable 
means  for  attaining  what  is  aimed  at,  that  is  to  say,  for  help- 
ing each  individual  member  to  better  his  condition  to  the  ut- 
most, in  body,  mind  and  property.  It  is  clear  that  they  must 
pay  special  and  principal  attention  to  piety  and  morality,  and 
that  their  internal  discipline  must  be  directed  precisely  by  these 
considerations ;  otherwise  they  entirely  lose  their  special  char- 
acter, and  come  to  be  very  little  better  than  those  societies  which 
take  no  account  of  religion  at  all.  What  advantage  can  it  be 
to  a  Workman  to  obtain  by  means  of  a  Society  all  that  he 
requires,  and  to  endanger  his  soul  for  want  of  spiritual  food? 
What  doth  it  profit  a  man  if  he  gain  the  whole  world  and  suffer 
the  loss  of  his  own  soul?  ^^ 

This,  as  Our  Lord  teaches,  is  the  note  or  character  that  dis- 
tinguishes the  Christian  from  the  heathen.  After  all  these 
things  do  the  heathens  seek.  .  .  .  Seek  ye  first  the  Kingdom  of 
God  and  His  justice,  and  all  these  things  shall  he  added  unio 
you.^^  Let  our  Associations,  then,  look  first  and  before  all  to 
God ;  let  religious  instruction  have  therein  a  foremost  place, 
each  one  being  carefully  taught  what  is  his  duty  to  God,  what 
to  believe,  what  to  hope  for,  and  how  to  work  out  his  salva- 
tion; and  let  all  be  warned  and  fortified  with  especial  solici' 
tude  against  wrong  opinions  and  false  teaching.  Let  the  work- 
ing man  be  urged  and  led  to  the  worship  of  God,  to  the  earnest 
practice  of  religion,  and,  among  other  things,  to  the  sanctifica- 
tion  of  Sundays  and  festivals.  Let  him  learn  to  reverence  and 
love  Holy  Church,  the  common  ]\Iother  of  us  all ;  and  so  to 
obey  the  precepts  and  frequent  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church, 
those  Sacraments  being  the  means  ordained  by  God  for  obtain- 
ing forgiveness  of  sin  and  for  leading  a  holy  life. 

The  foundations  of  the  organization  being  laid  in  Eeligion, 
We  next  go  on  to  determine  the  relations  of  the  members,  one 
to  another,  in  order  that  they  may  live  together  in  concord,  and 

38  St.   Matthew  xvi,   26. 

39  St.  Matthew  vi,  32,  33. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES        91 

go  on  prosperously  and  successfully.  The  offices  and  charges 
of  the  Society  should  be  distributed  for  the  good  of  the  Society 
itself,  and  in  such  manner  that  difference  in  degree  or  position 
should  not  interfere  with  unanimity  and  good-will.  Office- 
bearers should  be  appointed  with  prudence  and  discretion,  and 
each  one's  charge  should  be  carefully  marked  out ;  thus  no  mem- 
ber will  suffer  wrong.  Let  the  common  funds  be  administered 
with  strictest  honesty,  in  such  way  that  a  member  receives 
assistance  in  proportion  to  his  necessities.  The  rights  and 
duties  of  employers  should  be  the  subject  of  careful  considera- 
tion as  compared  with  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  employed. 
If  it  should  happen  that  either  a  master  or  a  workman  deemed 
himself  injured,  nothing  would  be  more  desirable  than  that 
there  should  be  a  committee  composed  of  honest  and  capable 
men  of  the  Association  itself,  whose  duty  is  should  be,  by  the 
laws  of  the  Association,  to  decide  the  dispute.  Among  the 
purposes  of  a  Society  should  be  to  try  to  arrange  for  a  continu- 
ous supply  of  work  at  all  times  and  seasons;  and  to  create  a 
fund  from  which  the  members  may  bo  helped  in  their  necessities, 
not  only  in  case  of  accident,  but  also  in  sickness,  old  age,  and 
misfortune. 

Such  rules  and  regulations,  if  obeyed  willingly  by  all,  will 
sufficiently  ensure  the  well-being  of  poor  people;  whilst  such 
Mutual  Associations  among  Catholics  are  certain  to  be  produc- 
tive, in  no  small  degree,  of  prosperity  to  the  State.  It  is  not 
rash  to  conjecture  the  future  from  the  past.  Age  gives  way 
to  age,  but  the  events  of  one  century  are  wonderfully  like  those 
of  another;  for  they  are  directed  by  the  Providence  of  God, 
Who  overrules  the  course  of  history  in  accordance  with  His  pur- 
poses in  creating  the  race  of  man.  We  are  told  that  it  was  cast 
as  a  reproach  on  the  Christians  of  the  early  ages  of  the  Church, 
that  the  greater  number  of  them  had  to  live  by  begging  or  by 
labor.  Yet,  destitute  as  they  were  of  wealth  and  influence  they 
ended  by  winning  over  to  their  side  the  favor  of  the  rich  and 
the  good-will  of  the  powerful.  They  showed  themselves  indus- 
trious, laborious  and  peaceful,  men  of  justice,  and,  above  all, 
men  of  brotherly  love.  In  the  presence  of  such  a  life  and  such 
an  example,  prejudice  disappeai'ed,  the  tongue  of  malevolence 


92  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

was  silenced,  and  the  lying  traditions  of  ancient  superstition 
yielded  little  by  little  to  Christian  truth. 

At  this  moment  the  condition  of  the  working  population  is  the 
question  of  the  hour ;  and  nothing  can  be  of  higher  interest  to  all 
classes  of  the  State  than  that  it  should  be  rightly  and  reasonably 
decided.  But  it  will  be  easy  for  Christian  working  men  to  de- 
cide it  aright  if  they  form  Associations,  choose  wise  guides,  and 
follow  the  same  path  which  with  so  much  advantage  to  them- 
selves and  the  commonwealth  was  trod  by  their  fathers  before 
them.  Prejudice,  it  is  true,  is  mighty,  and  so  is  the  love  of 
money;  but  if  the  sense  of  what  is  just  and  right  be  not  de- 
stroyed by  depravity  of  heart,  their  fellow-citizens  are  sure  to 
be  won  over  to  a  kindly  feeling  towards  men  whom  they  see  to  be 
so  industrious  and  so  modest,  who  so  unmistakably  prefer  hon- 
esty to  lucre,  and  the  sacredness  of  duty  to  all  other  consider- 
ations. 

And  another  great  advantage  would  result  from  the  state  of 
things  We  are  describing;  there  would  be  so  much  more  hope 
and  possibility  of  recalling  to  a  sense  of  their  duty  those  work- 
ing men  who  have  either  given  up  their  faith  altogether,  or 
whose  lives  are  at  variance  with  its  precepts.  These  men,  in 
most  cases,  feel  that  they  have  been  fooled  by  empty  promises 
and  deceived  by  false  appearances.  They  cannot  but  perceive 
that  their  grasping  employers  too  often  treat  them  with  the 
greatest  inhumanity,  and  hardly  care  for  them  beyond  the  profit 
their  labor  brings ;  and  if  they  belong  to  an  Association,  it  is 
probably  one  in  which  there  exists,  in  place  of  charity  and  love, 
that  intestine  strife  which  always  accompanies  unresigned  and 
irreligious  poverty.  Broken  in  spirit  and  worn  down  in  body, 
how  many  of  them  would  gladly  free  themselves  from  this  gall- 
ing slavery!  But  human  respect,  or  the  dread  of  starvation, 
makes  them  afraid  to  take  the  step.  To  such  as  these.  Catholic 
associations  are  of  incalculable  service,  helping  them  out  of 
their  difficulties,  inviting  them  to  companionship,  and  receiving 
the  repentant  to  a  shelter  in  which  they  may  securely  trust. 

We  have  now  laid  before  you,  Venerable  Brethren,  who  are 
the  persons,  and  what  are  the  means,  by  which  this  most  diffi- 
cult question  must  be  solved.     Every  one  must  put  his  hand  to 


CONDITION^  OF  THE  WORKING  CLASSES       93 

the  work  which  falls  to  his  share,  and  that  at  once  and  im- 
mediately, lest  the  evil  which  is  already  so  great  may  by  delay 
become  absolutely  beyond  remedy.  Those  who  rule  the  State 
must  use  the  law  and  the  institutions  of  the  country;  masters 
and  rich  men  must  remember  their  duty;  the  poor,  whose  in- 
terests are  at  stake,  must  make  every  lawful  and  proper  effort ; 
since  Religion  alone,  as  We  said  at  the  beginning,  can  destroy 
the  evil  at  its  root,  all  men  must  be  persuaded  that  the  primary 
thing  needful  is  to  return  to  real  Christianity,  in  the  absence  of 
which  all  the  plans  and  devices  of  the  wisest  will  be  of  little 
avail. 

As  far  as  regards  the  Church,  its  assistance  will  never  be 
wanting,  be  the  time  or  the  occasion  what  it  may;  and  it  will 
intervene  with  greater  effect  in  proportion  as  its  liberty  of 
action  is  the  more  unfettered;  let  this  be  carefully  noted  by 
those  whose  office  it  is  to  provide  for  the  public  welfare.  Every 
minister  of  holy  Religion  must  throw  into  the  conflict  all  the 
energy  of  his  mind,  and  all  the  strength  of  his  endurance ;  with 
your  authority,  Venerable  Brethren,  and  by  your  example,  they 
must  never  cease  to  urge  upon  all  men  of  every  class,  upon 
the  high  as  well  as  the  lowly,  the  Gospel  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tian life;  by  every  means  in  their  power  they  must  strive  for 
the  good  of  the  people ;  and  above  all  they  must  earnestly  cherish 
in  themselves,  and  try  to  arouse  in  others,  Charity,  the  mis- 
tress and  queen  of  virtues.  Eor  the  happy  results  we  all  long 
for  must  be  chiefly  brought  about  by  the  plenteous  outpouring 
of  Charity;  of  that  true  Christian  Charity  which  is  the  ful- 
filling of  the  whole  Gospel  law,  which  is  always  ready  to  sacri- 
fice itself  for  others'  sake,  and  which  is  man's  surest  antidote 
against  worldly  pride  and  immoderate  love  of  self;  that  Charity 
whose  ofiice  is  described  and  whose  God-like  features  are  drawn 
by  the  Apostle  St.  Paul  in  these  words:  Charity  is  patient,  is 
Ichid,^  .  .  .  seeJceth  not  her  own,  .  .  .  suffereth  all  things,  .  .  . 
endureth  all  things.*'^ 

On  each  of  you,  Venerable  Brethren,  and  on  your  Clergy  and 
people,  as  an  earnest  of  God's  mercy  and  a  mark  of  our  affec- 

*o  I  Corinthians  xiii,  4-7. 


94  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

tion,  We  lovingly  in  the  Lord  bestow  the  Apostolic  Benediction. 
Given  at  St.  Peter's  in  Rome,  the  fifteenth  day  of  May,  1891, 
the  fourteenth  year  of  our  Pontificate. 

LEO  Xin.,  Pope. 


2.     CHRISTIAN  DEMOCEACY 
By  Pope  Leo  XIII 

Apostolic  Letter  Graves  de  Communi,  January  18,  1901 

The  grave  discussions  on  economic  questions  which  for  some 
time  past  have  disturbed  the  peace  of  several  countries  of  the 
world  are  growing  in  frequency  and  intensity  to  such  a  degree 
that  the  minds  of  thoughtful  men  are  filled,  and  rightly  so,  with 
worry  and  alarm.  These  discussions  take  their  rise  in  the  bad 
philosophical  and  ethical  teaching  which  is  now  widespread 
among  the  people.  The  changes  also  which  the  mechanical  in- 
ventions of  the  age  have  introduced,  the  rapidity  of  communica- 
tion between  places,  and  the  devices  of  every  kind  for  diminish- 
ing labor  and  increasing  gain,  all  add  bitterness  to  the  strife ; 
and  lastly  matters  have  been  brought  to  such  a  pass  by  the 
struggle  between  capital  and  labor,  fomented  as  it  is  by  pro- 
fessional agitators,  tliat  the  countries  where  these  disturbances 
most  frequently  occur,  find  themselves  confronted  with  ruin 
and  disaster. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  Our  Pontificate,  We  clearly  pointed 
out  what  the  peril  was  which  confronted  society  on  this  head, 
and  We  deemed  it  Our  duty  to  warn  Catholics  in  unmistakable 
language  how  great  the  error  was  which  was  lurking  in  the 
utterances  of  Socialism,  and  how  great  the  danger  was  that 
threatened  not  only  their  temporal  possessions,  but  also  their 
morality  and  religion.  That  was  the  purpose  of  Our  Encyclical 
Quod  Apostolici  Muneris  which  We  published  on  the  28th  of 
December  in  the  year  1878 ;  but  as  these  dangers  day  by  day 
threatened  still  greater  disaster,  both  to  individuals  and  the 
commonwealth,  We  strove  with  all  the  more  energy  to  avert 
them.  This  was  the  object  of  Our  Encyclical  Rerum  Novarum 
of  May  15th,  1891,  in  which  We  dwelt  at  length  on  the  rights 
and  duties  which  both  classes  of  society  —  those  namely,  who 

95 


96  CHURCH  AKD  LABOR 

control  capital,  and  those  who  contribute  labor  —  are  bound  in 
relation  to  each  other ;  and  at  the  same  time  We  made  it  evident 
that  the  remedies  which  are  most  useful  to  protect  the  cause 
of  religion,  and  to  terminate  the  contest  between  the  different 
classes  of  society,  were  to  be  found  in  the  precepts  of  the  Gos- 
pel. 

THE    WORK    DOXE    AND    THE    QrESTIOIS'    OF    NAME 

Xor,  with  God's  grace,  were  Our  hopes  entirely  frustrated. 
Even  those  who  are  not   Catholics,   moved   by  the  power  of 
truth,  avowed  that  the  Church  must  be  credited  with  a  watch- 
ful care  over  all  classes  of  society,  and  especially  those  whom 
fortune  had  least  favored.     Catholics  of  course  profited  abun- 
dantly by  these  Letters,  for  they  not  only  received  encourage- 
ment and  strength  for  the  admirable  enterprises  in  which  they 
were  engaged  but  also  obtained  the  light  which  they  desired, 
by  the  help  of  which  they  were  able  with  greater  safety  and  with 
more  plentiful  blessings  to  continue  the  efforts  which  they  had 
been  making  in  the  matter  of  which  We  are  now  speaking. 
Hence  it  happened  that  the  differences  of  opinion  which  pre- 
vailed  among   them  were   either  removed   or   their   acrimony 
diminished  and  the  discussion  laid  aside.     In  the  work  which 
they  had  undertaken  this  was  effected,  viz, :  that  in  their  efforts 
for  the  elevation  of  tlie  poorer  classes,  especially  in  those  places 
where  the  trouble  is  greatest,  many  new  enterprises  were  set 
on  foot;  those  which  were  already  established  were  increased 
and  all  reaped  the  blessing  of  a  greater  stability  imparted  to 
them.     Some  of  these  works  were  called  Bureaus  of  the  Peo- 
ple, their  object  being  to  supply  information.     Eural  savings 
banks  had  been  established,  and  various  associations,  some  for 
mutual  aid,  others  of  relief,  were  organized.     There  were  work- 
ing men's  societies  and  other  enterprises  for  work  or  benefi- 
cence.    Thus  under  the  auspices  of  the  Church,  united  action 
of  Catholics  was  secured  as  well  as  wise  discrimination  exer- 
cised in  the  distribution  of  help  for  the  poor  who  are  often  as 
badly  dealt  with  by  chicanery  and  exploitation  of  their  neces- 
sities,   as   they  are   oppressed  by   indigence   and   toil.     These 
schemes  of  popular  benevolence  were,  at  first,  distinguished  by 


CHRISTIAN  DEMOCRACY  97 

no  particular  appellation.  The  name  of  Christian  Socialism 
with  its  derivatives  which  was  adopted  bj  some,  was  very  prop- 
erly allowed  to  fall  into  disuse.  Afterwards  some  asked  to  have 
it  called  The  Popular  Christian  Movement.  In  the  countries 
most  concerned  with  this  matter,  there  are  some  who  are  known 
as  Social  Christians.  Elsewhere  the  movement  is  described 
as  Christian  Democracy,  and  its  partisans  Christian  Democrats, 
in  contradistinction  to  those  who  are  designated  as  Socialists, 
and  whose  system  is  known  as  Social  Democracy.  Not  much 
exception  is  taken  to  the  former,  i.e..  Social  Christians,  but 
many  excellent  men  find  the  term  Christian  Democracy  objec- 
tionable. They  hold  it  to  be  very  ambiguous  and  for  this  rea- 
son open  to  two  objections.  It  seems  by  implication  to  covertly 
favor  popular  government,  and  to  disparage  other  methods  of 
political  administration.  Secondly,  it  appears  to  belittle  re- 
ligion by  restricting  its  scope  to  the  care  of  the  poor,  as  if  the 
other  sections  of  society  were  not  of  its  concern.  More  than 
that,  under  the  shadow  of  its  name,  there  might  easily  lurk  a 
design  to  attack  all  legitimate  power  either  civil  or  sacred. 
Wherefore,  since  this  discussion  is  now  so  widespread,  so  ex- 
aggerated and  so  bitter,  the  consciousness  of  duty  warns  Us  to 
put  a  check  on  this  controversy  and  to  define  what  Catholics 
are  to  think  on  this  matter.  We  also  propose  to  describe  how 
the  movement  may  extend  its  scope  and  be  made  more  useful 
to  the  commonwealth. 

CHRISTIAN    DEMOCIJACY    VS.    SOCIAL    DEMOCKACY 

What  Social  Democracy  is  and  what  Christian  Democracy 
ought  to  be,  assuredly  no  one  can  doubt.  The  first,  with  due 
consideration  to  the  greater  or  less  intemperance  of  its  utter- 
ance, is  carried  to  such  an  excess  by  many  as  to  maintain  that 
there  is  really  nothing  existing  above  the  natural  order  of 
things,  and  that  the  acquirement  and  enjoyment  of  corporal 
and  external  goods  constitute  man's  happiness.  It  aims  at 
putting  all  government  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  reducing 
all  ranks  to  the  same  level,  abolishing  all  distinction  of  class, 
and  finally  introducing  community  of  goods.  Hence,  the  right 
of  ownership  is  to  be  abrogated,  and  whatever  property  a  man 


98  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

possesses,  or  whatever  means  of  livelihood  he  has,  is  to  be  com- 
mon to  all. 

As  against  this,  Christian  Democracy,  by  the  fact  that  it  is 
Christian,  is  built,  and  necessarily  so,  on  the  basic  principles  of 
divine  faith,  and  provides  for  the  betterment  of  the  masses, 
with  the  ulterior  object  of  availing  itself  of  the  occasion  to 
fashion  their  minds  for  things  which  are  everlasting.  Hence, 
for  Christian  Democracy  justice  is  sacred;  it  must  maintain 
that  the  right  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  cannot  be 
impugned,  and  it  must  safeguard  the  various  distinctions  and 
degrees  which  are  indispensable  in  every  well-ordered  com- 
monwealth. Finally  it  must  endeavor  to  preserve  in  every 
human  society  the  form  and  the  character  which  God  ever  im- 
presses on  it.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  there  is  nothing  in 
common  between  Social  and  Christian  Democracy.  They  dif- 
fer from  each  other  as  much  as  the  sect  of  Socialism  differs  from 
the  profession  of  Christianity. 

CHEISTIAN    DEMOCRACY    NOT    POLITICAL, 

Moreover  it  would  be  a  crime  to  distort  this  name  of  Chris- 
tian Democracy  to  politics,  for  although  democracy,  both  in 
its  philological  and  philosophical  signification,  implies  popular 
government,  yet  in  its  present  application  it  is  so  to  be  employed 
that,  removing  from  it  all  political  significance,  it  is  to  mean 
nothing  else  than  a  benevolent  and  Christian  movement  in  be- 
half of  the  people.  For  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  the  Gospel, 
which  by  right  are  superior  to  all  human  contingencies,  are 
necessarily  independent  of  all  modifications  of  civil  government, 
while  at  the  same  time  they  are  in  concord  with  everything 
that  is  not  repugnant  to  morality  and  justice.  They  are,  there- 
fore, and  they  must  remain  absolutely  free  from  political  parties, 
and  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  various  changes  of  administra- 
tion which  may  occur  in  a  nation;  so  that  Catholics  may  and 
ought  to  be  citizens  according  to  the  constitution  of  any  State, 
guided  as  they  are  by  those  laws  which  command  them  to  love 
God  above  all  things,  and  their  neighbors  as  themselves.  This 
has  always  been  the  discipline  of  the  Church.  The  Roman 
Pontiffs  acted  upon  this  principle,  whenever  they  dealt  with 


CHRISTIAN  DEMOCEACY  99 

different  countries,  no  matter  what  might  be  the  character  of 
their  governments.  Hence,  the  mind  and  the  action  of  Catho- 
lics who  are  devoted  to  the  amelioration  of  the  working  classes, 
can  never  be  actuated  with  the  purpose  of  favoring  and  intro- 
ducing one  government  in  place  of  another. 

NOT    A    MEUB    CLASS    MOVEMENT 

In  the  same  manner,  from  Christian  Democracy  We  must 
remove  another  possible  subject  of  reproach,  namely :  that  while 
looking  after  the  advantage  of  the  working  people  they  should 
act  in  such  a  manner  as  to  forget  the  upper  classes  of  society ; 
for  they  also  are  of  the  greatest  use  in  preserving  and  per- 
fecting the  commonwealth.  As  We  have  explained,  the  Chris- 
tian law  of  charity  will  prevent  Us  from  so  doing.  For  it  ex- 
tends to  all  classes  of  society,  and  all  should  be  treated  as  mem- 
bers of  the  same  family,  as  children  of  the  same  heavenly 
Father,  as  redeemed  by  the  same  Saviour,  and  called  to  the  same 
eternal  heritage.  Hence  the  doctrine  of  the  Apostle  who  warns 
us  that :  "  We  are  one  body  and  one  spirit  called  to  the  one 
hope  in  our  vocation ;  one  Lord,  one  Faith  and  one  Baptism ;  one 
God  and  the  Father  of  all  who  is  above  all,  and  through  all, 
and  in  us  all."  Wherefore  on  account  of  the  nature  of  the 
union  which  exists  between  the  different  classes  of  society  and 
which  Christian  brotherhood  makes  still  closer,  it  follows  that 
no  matter  how  great  Our  devotion  may  be  in  helping  the  peo- 
ple, We  should  all  the  more  keep  Our  hold  upon  the  upper 
classes,  because  association  with  them  is  proper  and  necessary, 
as  We  shall  explain  later  on,  for  the  happy  issue  of  the  work 
in  which  We  are  engaged. 

NOiB  A  mov:em;ent  ogf  sedition 

Let  there  be  no  question  of  fostering  under  this  name  of 
Christian  Democracy  any  intention  of  diminishing  the  spirit 
of  obedience,  or  of  withdrawing  people  from  their  lawful  rulers. 
Both  the  natural  and  the  Christian  law  command  us  to  revere 
those  who,  in  their  various  grades  are  above  us  in  the  State, 
and  to  submit  ourselves  to  their  just  commands.  It  is  quite  in 
keeping  with  our  dignity  as  men  and  Christians  to  obey,  not 


100  CHUECH  AN^D  LAEOR 

only  exteriorly  but  from  the  heart,  as  the  Apostle  expresses  it, 
for  conscience's  sake,  when  he  commands  us  to  keep  our  soul 
subject  to  the  higher  powers.  It  is  abhorrent  to  the  profession 
of  a  Christian  for  any  one  to  be  unwilling  to  be  subject  and 
obedient  to  those  who  rule  in  the  Church,  and  first  of  all  to  the 
bishops  whom  (without  prejudice  to  the  universal  power  of 
the  Roman  Pontiff)  the  Holy  Ghost  has  placed  to  rule 
the  Church  of  God  which  Christ  has  purchased  by  His 
blood. ^  He  who  thinks  or  acts  otherwise  is  guilty  of  ignor- 
ing the  grave  precept  of  the  Apostle  who  bids  us  to 
obey  our  rulers  and  to  be  subject  to  them,  for  they  watch, 
having  to  give  an  account  of  our  souls.  Let  the  faithful  every- 
where implant  these  principles  deep  in  their  souls,  and  put  them 
in  practice  in  their  daily  life,  and  let  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel 
meditate  them  profoundly,  and  incessantly  labor  not  merely  by 
exhortation  but  especially  by  example  to  make  them  enter  into 
the  souls  of  others. 

We  have  recalled  these  matters  which  on  other  occasions  We 
have  made  the  subject  of  Our  instructions,  in  the  hope  that 
all  dissension  about  the  name  of  Christian  Democracy  will  cease 
and  that  all  suspicion  of  any  danger  coming  from  what  the 
name  signifies  will  be  put  at  rest.     And  with  reason  do  We 
hope  so;  for  neglecting  the  opinions  of  certain  men,  with  re- 
gard to  the  power  and  the  efficacy  of  this  kind  of  Christian 
Democracy,  which  at  times  are  exaggerated  and  are  not  free 
from  error,  let  no  one,  however,  condemn  that  zeal  which,  ac- 
cording to  the  natural  and  divine  law,  has  this  for  its  object, 
viz. :  to  make  the  condition  of  those  who  toil  more  tolerable ; 
to  enable  them  to  obtain,  little  by  little,  those  means  by  which 
they  may  provide  for  the  future;  to  help  them  to  practice  in 
public  and  in  private  the  duties  which  morality  and  religion 
inculcate ;  to  aid  them  to  feel  that  they  are  not  animals  but  men, 
not  heathens  but  Christians,  and  so  to  enable  them  to  strive  more 
zealously  and  more  eagerly  for  the  one  thing  which  is  necessary, 
viz. :  that  ultimate  good  for  which  we  are  all  bom  into  this 
■world.     This  is  the  intention;  this  is  the  work  of  those  who 
wish  that  the  people  should  be  animated  by  Christian  sentiments 

lActB  XX,  28. 


CHRISTIAK  DEMOCRACY  101 

and  should  be  protected  from  the  contamination  of  socialism 
which  threatens  them. 

IMPOKTANCE    OF    EELJGION    AND    MORALITY 

We  have  designedly  made  mention  here  of  virtue  and  reli- 
gion. For,  it  is  the  opinion  of  some,  and  the  error  is  already 
very  common,  that  the  social  question  is  merely  an  economic 
one,  whereas  in  point  of  fact,  it  is  above  all  a  moral  and  re- 
ligious matter,  and  for  that  reason  must  be  settled  by  the  prin- 
ciples of  morality  and  according  to  the  dictates  of  religion. 
For  even  though  wages  are  doubled  and  the  hours  of  labor  are 
shortened  and  food  is  cheapened,  yet  if  the  working  man 
hearkens  to  the  doctrines  that  are  taught  on  this  subject,  as 
he  is  prone  to  do,  and  is  prompted  by  the  example  set  before 
him  to  throw  off  respect  for  God  and  to  enter  upon  a  life 
of  immorality,  his  labors  and  his  gain  will  avail  him  naught. 

Trial  and  experience  have  made  it  abundantly  clear  that  many 
a  workman  lives  in  cramped  and  miserable  quarters,  in  spite  of 
his  shorter  hours  and  larger  wages,  simply  because  he  baa 
cast  aside  the  restraints  of  morality  and  religion.  Take  away 
the  instinct  which  Christian  virtue  has  planted  and  nurtured 
in  men's  hearts,  take  away  prudence,  temperance,  frugality, 
patience,  and  other  correct,  natural  habits,  no  matter  how  much 
he  may  strive,  he  will  never  achieve  prosperity.  That  is  the 
reason  why  We  have  incessantly  exhorted  Catholics  to  enter 
these  associations  for  bettering  the  condition  of  the  laboring 
classes,  and  to  organize  other  undertakings  with  the  same  ob- 
ject in  view;  but  We  have  likewise  warned  them  that  all  this 
should  be  done  under  the  auspices  of  religion,  with  its  help  and 
under  its  guidance. 

THE    LAW    OF    CHARITY 

The  zeal  of  Catholics  on  behalf  of  the  masses  is  especially 
noteworthy  by  the  fact  that  it  is  engaged  in  the  very  field  in 
which,  under  the  benign  inspiration  of  the  Church,  the  active 
industry  of  charity  has  always  labored,  adapting  itself  in  all 
classes  to  the  varying  exigencies  of  the  times.  For  the  law  of 
mutual  charity  perfects,   as  it  were,  the  law  of  justice,   not 


109.  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

merely  by  giving  each  man  his  due  and  in  not  impeding  him  in 
the  exercise  of  his  rights,  but  also  by  befriending  him  in  case 
of  need,  "  not  with  the  word  alone,  or  the  lips,  but  in  deed  and 
in  truth  " ;  being  mindful  of  what  Christ  so  lovingly  said  to 
His  own :  "  A  new  commandment  I  give  unto  you,  that  you  love 
one  another  as  I  have  loved  you,  that  you  love  also  one  another. 
By  this  shall  all  men  know  that  you  are  My  disciples,  if  you 
have  love  one  for  the  other."  This  zeal  in  coming  to  the 
rescue  of  Our  fellow  men  should,  of  course,  be  solicitous,  first 
for  the  imperishable  good  of  the  soul,  but  it  must  not  neglect 
what  is  necessary  and  helpful  for  the  body. 

We  should  remember  what  Christ  said  to  the  disciples  of 
the  Baptist  who  asked  him :  "  Art  Thou  He  that  art  to  come 
or  look  we  for  another  ?  "  He  invoked  as  the  proof  of  the  mis- 
sion given  to  Him  among  men.  His  exercise  of  charity,  quoting 
for  them  the  text  of  Isaias :  ''  The  blind  see,  the  lame  walk,  the 
lepers  are  cleansed,  the  deaf  hear,  the  dead  rise  again,  the 
poor  have  the  Gospel  preached  to  them."  ^  And  speaking  also 
of  the  Last  Judgment  and  of  the  rewards  and  punishments  He 
will  assign,  He  declared  that  He  would  take  special  account 
of  the  charity  men  exercised  towards  each  other.  And  in  that 
discourse  there  is  one  thing  that  especially  excites  our  sur- 
prise, viz. :  that  Christ  omits  those  works  of  mercy  which  com- 
fort the  soul  and  refers  only  to  external  works  which,  although 
done  in  behalf  of  men,  He  regards  as  being  done  to  Himself. 
"  For  I  was  hungry  and  you  gave  Me  to  eat ;  I  was  thirsty  and 
3'ou  gave  Me  to  drink ;  I  was  a  stranger  and  you  took  Me  in ; 
naked  and  you  covered  Me ;  sick  and  you  visited  Me ;  I  was  in 
prison  and  you  came  to  me."  ^ 

To  the  teachings  which  enjoin  the  twofold  charity  of  spiritual 
and  corporal  works,  Christ  adds  His  own  example  so  that  no  one 
may  fail  to  recognize  the  importance  which  He  attaches  to  it. 
In  the  present  instance  we  recall  the  sweet  words  that  came  from 
His  parental  heart:  I  have  pity  on  the  multitude,^  as  well  as 
the  desire  He  had  to  assist  them  even  if  it  were  necessary  to 
invoke  His  miraculous  power.     Of  His  tender  compassion  we 

2  Matt,  xi,  5. 

3  Matt.  XXV,  35. 

4  Mark  vli,  2. 


CHRISTIAN  DEMOCRACY  103 

have  the  proclamation  made  in  Holy  Writ,  viz. :  that  He  went 
about  doing  good  and  healing  all  that  were  oppressed  by  the 
devil. ^  This  law  of  charity  which  He  imposed  upon  His 
apostles,  they  in  the  most  holy  and  zealous  way  put  into  prac- 
tice ;  and  after  them  those  who  embraced  Christianity  originated 
that  wonderful  variety  of  institutions  for  alleviating  all  the 
miseries  by  which  mankind  is  afflicted.  And  these  institutions 
carried  on  and  continually  increased  their  powers  of  relief  and 
were  the  especial  glories  of  Christianity  and  of  the  civilization 
of  which  it  was  the  source,  so  that  right-minded  men  never 
fail  to  admire  those  foundations,  aware  as  they  are  of  the  prone- 
ness  of  men  to  concern  themselves  about  their  own  and  neglect 
the  needs  of  others. 

iSTor  are  we  to  eliminate  from  the  list  of  good  works  the  giving 
of  money  for  charity,  in  pursuance  of  what  Christ  has  said: 
"  But  yet  that  which  remaineth,  give  alms."  ^  Against  this, 
the  Socialist  cries  out  and  demands  its  abolition  as  injurious 
to  the  native  dignity  of  men.  But  if  it  is  done  in  the  manner 
which  the  Scripture  enjoins,'^  and  in  conformity  with  the  true 
Christian  spirit,  it  neither  connotes  pride  in  the  giver  nor 
inflicts  shame  upon  the  one  who  receives.  Par  from  being  dis- 
honorable for  man,  it  draws  closer  the  bonds  of  human  society 
by  augmenting  the  force  of  the  obligation  of  the  duties  which 
men  are  under  with  regard  to  each  other.  No  one  is  so  rich 
that  he  does  not  need  another's  help;  no  one  so  poor  as  not 
to  be  useful  in  some  way  to  his  fellow  man;  and  the  disposi- 
tion to  ask  assistance  from  others  with  confidence,  and  to  grant 
it  with  kindness  is  part  of  our  very  nature.  Thus  justice  and 
charity  are  so  linked  with  each  other,  under  the  equal  and 
sweet  law  of  Christ,  as  to  form  an  admirable  cohesive  power  in 
human  society  and  to  lead  all  of  its  members  to  exercise  a  sort 
of  providence  in  looking  after  their  owp.  and  in  seeking  the 
common  good  as  well. 

5  Acts  X,  38. 

6  Luke  xi,  41. 

7  Matt,  vi,  2. 


104  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

BENEVOLENT    INSTITUTIONS 

As  regards  not  merely  the  temporary  aid  given  to  the  labor- 
ing classes,  but  the  establishment  of  permanent  institutions  in 
their  behalf,  it  is  most  commendable  for  charity  to  undertake 
them.  It  will  thus  see  that  more  certain  and  more  reliable 
means  of  assistance  will  be  afforded  to  the  necessitous.  That 
liind  of  help  is  especially  worthy  of  recognition  which  forms 
the  minds  of  mechanics  and  laborers  to  thrift  and  foresight 
so  that  in  course  of  time  they  may  be  able,  in  part  at  least,  to 
look  out  for  themselves.  To  aim  at  that  is  not  only  to  dignify 
the  duty  of  the  rich  towards  the  poor,  but  to  elevate  the  poor 
themselves ;  for  while  it  urges  them  to  work  for  a  better  degree 
of  comfort  in  their  manner  of  living,  it  preserves  them  mean- 
time from  danger  by  checking  extravagance  in  their  desires,  and 
acts  as  a  spur  in  the  practice  of  the  virtues  proper  to  their 
state.  Since,  therefore,  this  is  of  such  great  avail  and  so  much 
in  keeping  with  the  spirit  of  the  times,  it  is  a  worthy  object 
for  charity  to  undertake  with  all  prudence  and  zeal. 

Let  it  be  understood,  therefore,  that  this  devotion  of  Catho- 
lics to  comfort  and  elevate  the  mass  of  the  people  is  in  keeping 
with  the  spirit  of  the  Church  and  is  most  conformable  to  the 
examples  which  the  Church  has  always  held  up  for  imitation. 
It  matters  very  little  whether  it  goes  under  the  name  of  "  The 
Popular  Christian  Movement,"  or  "  Christian  Democracy,"  if 
the  instructions  that  have  been  given  by  Us  be  fully  carried 
out  with  the  submission  that  is  due.  But  it  is  of  the  greatest 
importance  that  Catholics  should  be  one  in  mind,  will,  and 
action  in  a  matter  of  such  great  moment.  And  it  is  also  of 
importance  that  the  influence  of  these  undertakings  should 
be  extended  by  the  multiplication  of  men  and  means  devoted 
to  the  same  object. 

COOPEKATION    OF    SOCIAILT    POWEKFUL 

Especially  must  there  be  appeals  to  the  kindly  assistance  of 
those  whose  rank,  worldly  wealth,  and  culture  give  them  im- 
portance in  the  community.  If  their  help  is  excluded,  scarcely 
anything  can  be  done  which  will  be  of  any  assistance  for  the 
wants  which  now  clamor  for  satisfaction  in  this  matter  of  the 


CHRISTIAN  DEMOCRACY.  105 

well-being  of  the  people.  Assuredly  the  more  earnestly  many 
of  those  who  are  prominent  in  the  State  conspire  effectively  to 
attain  that  object  the  quicker  and  surer  will  the  end  be  reached. 
We  wish  them  to  understand  that  they  are  not  at  all  free  to  look 
after  or  neglect  those  who  happen  to  be  beneath  them,  but 
that  it  is  a  strict  duty  which  binds  them.  For  no  one  lives 
only  for  his  personal  advantage  in  a  community;  he  lives  for 
the  common  good  as  well,  so  that  when  others  cannot  contribute 
their  share  for  the  general  object,  those  who  can  do  so  are 
obliged  to  make  up  the  deficiency.  The  very  extent  of  the 
benefits  they  have  received  increases  the  burden  of  their  re- 
sponsibility, and  a  stricter  account  will  have  to  be  rendered  to 
God  who  bestowed  those  blessings  upon  them.  What  should 
also  urge  all  to  the  fulfilment  of  their  duty  in  this  regard  is 
the  widespread  disaster  which  will  eventually  fall  upon  all 
classes  of  society  if  this  assistance  does  not  arrive  in  time ;  and 
therefore  is  it  that  he  who  neglects  the  cause  of  the  distressed 
poor  is  not  doing  his  duty  to  himself  or  to  the  State. 

If  this  social  movement  extends  its  scope  far  and  wide  in  a 
true  Christian  fashion,  and  grows  in  its  proper  and  genuine 
spirit,  there  will  be  no  danger,  as  is  feared,  that  those  other 
institutions  which  the  piety  of  our  ancestors  have  established 
and  which  are  now  flourishing,  will  decline  or  be  absorbed  by 
new  foundations.  Both  of  them  spring  from  the  same  root 
of  charity  and  religion,  and  not  only  do  not  conflict  with  each 
other,  but  can  be  made  to  coalesce  and  combine  so  perfectly 
as  to  provide  by  a  union  of  their  benevolent  resources  in  a  more 
efficacious  manner  against  the  graver  perils  and  necessities  of 
the  people  which  confront  us  to-day. 

DANGER    OF    REVOLUTIONARY    MOVEMENTS 

The  condition  of  things  at  present  proclaims,  and  proclaims 
vehemently,  that  there  is  need  for  a  union  of  brave  minds  with 
all  the  resources  they  can  command.  The  harvest  of  misery 
is  before  Our  eyes,  and  the  dreadful  projects  of  the  most  dis- 
astrous national  upheavals  are  threatening  Us  from  the  grow- 
ing power  of  the  socialistic  movement.  They  have  insidiously 
worked  their  way  into  the  very  heart  of  the  State,  and  in  the 


106  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

darkness  of  their  secret  gatherings,  and  in  the  open  light  of 
day,  in  their  writings  and  their  harangues,  they  are  urging  the 
masses  onward  to  sedition ;  they  fling  aside  religious  discipline, 
they  scorn  duties  and  clamor  only  for  rights ;  they  are  working 
incessantly  on  the  multitudes  of  the  needy  which  daily  grow 
greater,  and  which,  because  of  their  poverty,  are  easily  deluded 
and  hurried  off  into  ways  that  are  evil.  It  is  equally  the  con- 
cern of  the  State  and  of  religion,  and  all  good  men  should  deem 
it  a  sacred  duty  to  preserve  and  guard  both  in  the  honor  which 
is  their  due. 

That  this  most  desirable  agreement  of  wills  should  be  main- 
tained, it  is  essential  that  all  refrain  from  giving  any  causes 
of  dissension  in  hurting  and  alienating  the  minds  of  others. 
Hence  in  newspapers  and  in  speeches  to  the  people,  let  them 
avoid  subtle  and  useless  questions  which  are  neither  easy  to 
solve  nor  to  understand  except  by  minds  of  unusual  ability  and 
only  after  the  most  serious  study.  It  is  quite  natural  for 
people  to  think  differently  in  doubtful  questions,  but  those 
who  address  themselves  to  these  subjects  in  a  proper  spirit  will 
preserve  their  mental  calm  and  not  forget  the  respect  which  is 
due  to  those  who  differ  from  them.  If  minds  see  things  in  an- 
other light  it  is  not  necessary  to  become  alienated  forthwith. 
To  whatever  opinion  a  man's  judgment  may  incline,  if  the  mat- 
ter is  yet  open  to  discussion  let  him  keep  it,  provided  his  mental 
attitude  is  such  that  he  is  ready  to  yield  if  the  Holy  See  should 
otherwise  decide. 

K-ECESSITY    FOE    UNITED    ACTION 

This  Catholic  action,  of  whatever  description  it  may  be, 
will  work  with  greater  effect  if  all  of  the  various  associations, 
while  preserving  their  individual  rights,  move  together  under 
one  primary  and  directive  force. 

In  Italy  We  desire  that  this  directive  force  should  emanate 
from  the  Catholic  Conj;i*esses  and  Reunions  so  often  praised  by 
Us,  to  further  which  Our  predecessor  and  We  Ourselves  have 
ordered  that  these  meetings  should  be  controlled  and  guided  by 
the  bishops  of  the  country.     So  let  it  be  for  other  nations,  in 


CHRISTIAN  DEMOCEACY  107 

ease  there  be  any  leading  organization  of  this  description  to 
which  this  matter  has  been  legitimately  entrusted. 

Now  in  all  questions  of  this  sort  where  the  interests  of  the 
Church  and  the  Christian  people  are  so  closely  allied,  it  is 
evident  what  they  who  are  in  the  sacred  ministry  should  do, 
and  it  is  clear  how  industrious  they  should  be  in  inculcating 
right  doctrine  and  in  teaching  the  duties  of  prudence  and  char- 
ity. To  go  out  and  move  among  the  people,  to  exert  a  healthy 
influence  on  them  by  adapting  themselves  to  the  present  condi- 
tion of  things  is  what  more  than  once  in  addressing  the  clergy 
We  have  advised.  More  frequently  also  in  writing  to  the 
bishops  and  other  dignitaries  of  the  Church,  and  especially  of 
late  (to  the  Minister  General  of  the  Minorites,  [N'ovember  25, 
1898)  We  have  lauded  this  affectionate  solicitude  for  the  peo- 
ple and  declared  it  to  be  the  especial  duty  of  both  the  secular 
and  regular  clergy.  But  in  the  fulfilment  of  this  obligation  let 
there  be  the  greatest  caution  and  prudence  exerted,  and  let  it 
be  done  after  the  fashion  of  the  saints.  Francis,  who  was  poor 
and  humble,  Vincent  of  Paul,  the  Father  of  the  afflicted  classes, 
and  very  many  others  whom  the  Church  keeps  ever  in  her 
memory,  were  wont  to  lavish  their  care  upon  the  people,  but 
in  such  wise  as  not  to  be  engrossed  ovei-much  or  to  be  un- 
mindful of  themselves,  or  to  let  it  prevent  them  from  laboring 
with  the  same  assiduity  in  the  perfection  of  their  own  soul  and 
the  cultivation  of  virtue. 

PRACTICAL    PRINCIPLES 

There  remains  one  thing  upon  which  We  desire  to  insist 
very  strongly,  in  which  not  only  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel, 
but  also  all  those  who  are  devoting  themselves  to  the  cause 
of  the  people,  can  with  very  little  difficulty  bring  about  a  most 
commendable  result.  That  is  to  inculcate  in  the  minds  of  the 
people,  in  a  brotherly  way  and  whenever  the  opportunity  pre- 
sents itself,  the  following  principles,  viz. :  to  keep  aloof  on 
all  occasions  from  seditious  acts  and  seditious  men;  to  guard 
inviolate  the  rights  of  others;  to  show  a  proper  respect  to 
superiors ;  to  willingly  perform  the  work  in  which  they  are  em- 


108  CHUECH  Al^B  LABOR 

ployed ;  not  to  grow  weary  of  the  restraint  of  family  life  which 
in  many  ways  is  so  advantageous ;  to  keep  their  religious  prac- 
tices above  all,  and  in  their  hardships  and  trials  to  have  re- 
course to  the  Church  for  consolation.  In  the  furtherance  of 
all  this,  it  is  very  efficacious  to  propose  the  splendid  example  of 
the  Holy  Family  of  Nazareth,  and  to  advise  the  invocation 
of  its  protection,  and  it  also  helps  to  remind  the  people  of  the 
examples  of  sanctity  which  have  shone  in  the  midst  of  poverty, 
and  to  hold  up  before  them  the  reward  that  awaits  them  in  the 
better  life  to  come. 

UNDER    THE    CONTROL,    OF    THE    BISHOPS 

Finally,  We  recur  again  to  what  We  have  already  declared 
and  We  insist  upon  it  most  solemly,  viz. :  that  whatever  pro- 
jects individuals  or  associations  form  in  this  matter  should  be 
done  with  due  regard  to  Episcopal  authority  and  absolutely 
under  Episcopal  guidance.  Let  them  not  be  led  astray  by  an 
excessive  zeal  in  the  cause  of  charity.  If  it  leads  them  to  be 
wanting  in  proper  submission  it  is  not  a  sincere  zeal ;  it  will 
not  have  useful  result  and  cannot  be  acceptable  to  God.  God 
delights  in  the  souls  of  those  who  put  aside  their  own  designs 
and  obey  the  rulers  of  His  Church  as  if  they  were  obeying  Him ; 
He  assists  them  even  when  they  attempt  difficult  things  and 
benignly  leads  them  to  their  desired  end.  Let  them  show  also 
examples  of  virtue,  so  as  to  prove  that  a  Christian  is  a  hater 
of  idleness  and  indulgence,  that  he  gives  willingly  from  his 
goods  for  the  help  of  others,  and  that  he  stands  firm  and  un- 
conquered  in  the  midst  of  adversity.  Examples  of  that  kind 
have  a  power  of  moving  people  to  dispositions  of  soul  that 
make  for  salvation,  and  have  all  the  greater  force  as  the  condi- 
tion of  those  who  give  them  is  higher  in  the  social  scale. 

We  exhort  you,  Venerable  Brethren,  to  provide  for  all  this, 
as  the  necessities  of  men  and  of  places  may  require,  according 
to  your  prudence  and  your  zeal,  meeting  as  usual  in  coun- 
cil to  combine  with  each  other  in  your  plans  for  the  further- 
ance of  these  projects.  Let  your  solicitude  watch  and  let  your 
authority  be  effective  in  controlling,  compelling,  and  also  in 
preventing;   lest  any  one  under  the  pretext   of   good    should 


CHRISTIAN  DEMOCRACY  109 

cause  the  vigor  of  sacred  discipline  to  be  relaxed  or  the  order 
which  Christ  has  established  in  His  Church  to  be  disturbed. 
Thus  by  the  correct,  concurrent,  and  ever-increasing  labor  of 
all  Catholics,  the  truth  will  flash  out  more  brilliantly  than  ever, 
viz. :  that  truth  and  true  prosperity  flourish  especially  among 
those  peoples  whom  the  Church  controls  and  influences ;  and 
that  she  holds  it  as  her  sacred  duty  to  admonish  every  one  of 
what  the  law  of  God  enjoins  to  imite  the  rich  and  the  poor 
in  the  bonds  of  fraternal  charity,  and  to  lift  up  and  strengthen 
men's  souls  in  the  times  when  adversity  presses  heavily  upon 
them. 

Let  Our  commands  and  Our  wishes  be  confirmed  by  the 
words  which  are  so  full  of  apostolic  charity  which  the  blessed 
Paul  addressed  to  the  Romans :  ''  I  beseech  you  therefore,  breth- 
ren, be  reformed  in  the  ne\^Tiess  of  your  mind ;  he  that  giveth, 
with  simplicity ;  he  that  ruleth,  with  carefulness ;  he  that  showeth 
mercy  with  cheerfulness.  Let  love  be  without  dissimulation 
—  hating  that  which  is  evil ;  clinging  to  that  which  is  good ;  lov- 
ing one  another  with  the  charity  of  brotherhood;  with  honor 
preventing  one  another;  in  carefulness,  not  slothful;  rejoicing 
in  hope ;  patient  in  tribulation ;  instant  in  prayer.  Communi- 
cating to  the  necessities  of  the  saints.  Pursuing  hospitality. 
Rejoice  with  them  that  rejoice ;  weep  with  them  that  weep ;  be- 
ing of  one  mind  to  one  another;  to  no  man  rendering  evil 
for  evil ;  providing  good  things  not  only  in  the  sight  of  God 
but  also  in  the  sight  of  men." 

As  a  pledge  of  these  benefits  receive  the  Apostolic  Benedic- 
tion which,  Venerable  Brethren,  We  grant  most  lovingly  in  the 
Lord  to  you  and  your  clergy  and  people. 


3  APOSTOLIC  LETTEE  OF  POPE  PIUS  X  TO  THE 
BISHOPS  OF  ITALY  OIT  CATHOLIC  SOCIAL 
ACTION  1 

A.     Inteoduction 

1.     Social  Worh  Deserves  High  Praise 

In  our  first  encyclical  to  the  Bishops  of  the  world,  in  which 
we  echoed  all  that  our  glorious  predecessors  had  laid  down 
concerning  the  Catholic  action  of  the  laitj,  we  declared  that 
this  action  was  deseiTing  of  the  highest  praise,  and  was  indeed 
necessary  in  the  present  condition  of  the  Church  and  of  society. 
And  we  cannot  but  praise  warmly  the  zeal  shown  by  so  many 
illustrious  personages  who  have  for  a  long  time  dedicated  them- 
selves to  this  glorious  task,  and  the  ardor  so  many  brilliant 
young  people  who  have  eagerly  hastened  to  lend  their  aid  to 
the  same.  The  nineteenth  Catholic  Congress  lately  held  at 
Bologna,  and  by  us  promoted  and  encouraged,  has  sufficiently 
proved  to  all  the  vigor  of  the  Catholic  forces  as  well  as  what 
useful  and  salutary  results  may  be  obtained  among  the  faithful 
people,  when  this  action  is  well  governed  and  disciplined,  and 
when  unity  of  thought,  sentiment,  and  action  prevail  among 
those  who  take  part  in  it. 

2.  Unity  and  Harmony  are  Necessary  in  Social  Worh 
But  we  are  very  sorry  to  find  that  certain  differences  which 
arose  in  the  midst  of  them,  have  produced  discussions  unfor- 
tunately too  vivacious,  which,  if  not  stopped  in  time,  might 
serve  to  divide  those  forces  of  which  we  have  spoken,  and  render 
them  less  efficacious.  Before  the  Congress  we  recommended 
above  all  things  unity  and  harmony,  in  order  that  it  might 

1  The  greater  part  of  this  document  is  drawn  from  the  two  immediately 
preceding.  It  is  included  here  because  it  shows  that  the  social  teaching  of 
Leo  was  explicitly  confirmed  by  Pius,  and  because  it  presents  a  convenient 
siimmary  of  the  most  important  principles  contained  in  that  teaching. 

110 


APOSTOLIC  LETTEK  OF  POPE  PIUS  X      111 

be  possible  to  lay  down  by  common  accord  the  general  lines  for 
the  practical  working  of  the  Catholic  movement;  we  cannot 
therefore  be  silent  now.  And  since  divergences  of  view  in  mat- 
ters of  practice  have  commonly  their  origin  in  the  domain  of 
theory,  and  indeed,  find  their  support  in  the  latter,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  define  clearly  the  principles  on  which  the  entire  Catho- 
lic movement  must  be  based. 

3.  Rules  Given  hy  Leo 
Our  illustrious  predecessor,  Leo  XIII,  of  holy  memory, 
traced  out  luminously  the  rules  that  must  be  followed  in  the 
Christian  movement  among  the  people  in  the  great  encyclicals 
Quod  Apostolici  Muneris,  of  December  28,  1873 ;  Rerum 
Novarvm,  of  May  15,  1891,  and  Graves  de  Communi,  of  Jan- 
uary 18,  1901 ;  and  further  in  a  particular  Instruction  emanat- 
ing from  the  Sacred  Congregation  for  Extraordinary  Affairs, 
of  January  27,  1902. 

4.  Strict  Obligation  to  Observe  These  Rules 
And  we,  realizing,  as  did  our  predecessor,  the  great  need 
that  the  Christian  movement  among  the  people  be  rightly 
governed  and  conducted,  desire  to  have  those  most  prudent 
rules  exactly  and  completely  fulfilled,  and  to  provide  that  no- 
body may  dare  depart  from  them  in  the  smallest  particular. 
Hence,  to  keep  them  more  vividly  present  before  people's  minds, 
we  have  deemed  it  well  to  summarize  them  from  those  same 
docimients  in  the  following  articles,  which  will  constitute  the 
fundamental  plan  of  the  Catholic  popular  movement,  and  must 
form  the  constant  rule  of  their  conduct  for  all  Catholics. 

B.     The  Nineteen  Eules 
1.     Fundamental  Truths 

HUMAN    SOCIETY 

1)  Human  society,  as  established  by  God,  is  composed  of 
unequal  elements,  just  as  the  different  parts  of  the  human  body 
are  unequal;  to  make  them  all  equal  is  impossible,  and  would 
mean  the  destruction  of  human  society  itself.  (Encyclical, 
Quod  Apostolici  Muneris.) 


112  CHURCH  A:N"D  LABOR 

PERSONAL    EQUAUTY 

2)  The  equality  existing  among  the  various  social  members 
consists  only  in  this :  that  all  men  have  their  origin  in  God  the 
Creator,  have  been  redeemed  by  Jesus  Christ,  and  are  to  be 
judged  and  rewarded  or  punished  by  God  exactly  according  to 
their  merits  or  demerits.  (Encyclical,  Quod  Apostolici 
Muneris.) 

SOCIAL.    INEQUALITY 

3)  Hence  it  follows  that  there  are  in  human  society,  a3cord- 
ing  to  the  ordinance  of  God,  princes  and  subjects,  masters  and 
proletarians,  rich  and  poor,  learned  and  ignorant,  nobles  and 
plebeians,  all  of  whom,  united  in  the  bonds  of  love,  are  to  help 
one  another  to  attain  their  last  end  in  Heaven,  and  their 
material  and  moral  welfare  here  on  earth.  (Encyclical,  Quod 
Apostolici  Muneris.) 

PRIVATE    OWNERSHIP 

4)  Of  the  goods  of  the  earth  man  has  not  merely  the  use, 
like  the  brutes,  but  he  has  also  the  right  of  permanent  pro- 
prietorship ;  and  not  merely  of  those  things  which  are  con- 
sumed by  use,  but  also  of  those  not  consumed  by  use.  (En- 
cyclical, Rerum  N ovarium.) 

5)  The  right  of  private  property,  the  fruit  of  labor  or  in- 
dustry, or  of  concession  or  donation  by  others,  is  an  incon- 
trovertible natural  right;  and  everbody  can  dispose  reasonably 
of  such  property  as  he  thinks  fit.  (Encyclical,  Rerum 
Novarum, ) 

JUSTICE    AND    CHARITY 

6)  To  heal  the  breach  between  the  rich  and  the  poor,  it 
is  necessary  to  distinguish  between  justice  and  charity.  There 
can  be  no  claim  for  redress  except  when  justice  is  violated. 
(Encyclical,  Rerum  Novarum.) 

2.     Obligations  of  Justice 

DUTIES    OP    EMPLOYEES 

1)  The  following  are  obligations  of  justice  binding  on  the 
proletarian  and  on  the  workingman :  to  perform  fully  and  faith- 


APOSTOLIC  LETTER  OF  POPE  PIUS  X       li;5 

fiillj  the  work  which  has  been  freely  and,  according  to  equity, 
agreed  upon;  not  to  injure  the  property  or  outrage  the  person 
of  masters;  even  in  the  defense  of  their  own  rights  to  abstain 
from  acts  of  violence,  and  never  to  make  mutiny  of  their  de- 
fense.    (Encyclical,  Rerum  Novarum.) 

DUTIES    Gin    EMPLOYEiRS 

8)  The  following  are  obligations  of  justice  binding  on  capi- 
talists and  masters :  To  pay  just  wages  to  their  workingmen ; 
not  to  injure  their  just  savings  by  violence  or  fraud,  or  by 
overt  or  covert  usuries;  to  give  them  liberty  to  fulfill  their 
religious  duties;  not  to  expose  them  to  corrupting  seductions 
and  danger  of  scandal ;  not  to  alienate  them  from  the  spirit 
of  family  life  and  from  love  of  economy ;  not  to  impose  on 
them  labor  beyond  their  strength,  or  unsui|able  for  their  age  or 
sex.     (Encyclical,  Rerum  Novarum.) 

3.     Obligations  of  Charity 

THE    RICH 

9)  It  is  an  obligation  for  the  rich  and  those  who  own  prop- 
erty to  succor  the  poor  and  the  indigent,  according  to  the 
precepts  of  the  Gospel.  This  obligation  is  so  grave  that  on 
the  Day  of  Judgment  special  account  will  be  demanded  by  its 
fulfillment,  as  Christ  Himself  has  said.  (Matthew  xxv., 
14-46.)      (Encyclical,  Rerum  Novarum.) 

THE    POOR 

10)  The  poor  should  not  be  ashamed  of  their  poverty,  nor 
disdain  the  charity  of  the  rich ;  for  they  should  have  especially 
in  view  Jesus  the  Redeemer,  who,  though  He  might  have  been 
bom  in  riches,  made  Himself  poor  in  order  that  He  might 
ennoble  poverty  and  enrich  it  with  incomparable  merits  for 
Heaven.      (Encyclical,  Rerum  Novarum..) 

4.     Christian  Democracy 

SOCIAL  AIDS  SOUGHT  BY   CHRISTIAN   DEMOCRACY 

11)  For  the  solution  of  the  social  question  much  can  be 
done  by  the  capitalists  and  the  workmen  themselves  through 


114  CHmiCH  AlTD  LAEOR 

meanc  of  institutions  designed  to  provide  timely  aid  for  the 
needy  and  to  bring  together  and  unite  mutually  the  two  classes. 
Among  these  institutions  are  mutual  aid  societies,  various  kinds 
of  private  insurance  societies,  unions  for  the  protection  of 
youth,  and,  above  all,  associations  among  the  different  trades 
and  professions.      (Encyclical,  Rerum  Novarum.) 

CHRISTIAN    DEMOCRACY    BUILT    ON    CHRISTIAN    PRINCIPLE' 

12)  This  end  is  especially  aimed  at  by  the  Christian  Popular 
Movement  or  Christian  Democracy  in  its  many  and  varied 
branches.  But  Christian  Democracy  must  be  taken  in  the  sense 
already  authoritatively  defined.  Totally  different  from  that 
of  Social  Democracy,  it  has  for  its  basis  the  principles  of 
Catholic  faith  and  morals,  especially  the  principle  of  not  in- 
juring in  any  way  the  inviolable  right  of  private  property. 
(Encyclical,  Graves  de  Communi.) 

CHEISTIAN    DEMOCRACY    TO    AVOID    POLITICS 

13)  Moreover,  Christian  Democracy  must  have  nothing  to 
do  with  politics,  and  never  serve  political  ends  or  parties;  this 
is  not  its  field;  but  it  must  be  a  beneficent  movement  for  the 
good  of  the  people,  founded  on  the  law  of  nature  and  the  pre- 
cepts of  the  Gospel.  (Encyclical,  Graves  de  Communi  and 
Instruction  of  the  S.  Cong,  for  E.E.  Affairs.) 

Christian  Democrats  in  Italy  must  abstain  from  participat- 
ing in  any  political  action  whatsoever  which  is  under  present 
circumstances  forbidden  to  every  Catholic  for  reasons  of  the 
highest  order.      (Instruction  of  the  S.  Cong,  for  E.E.  Affairs.) 

CHRISTIAN   DEMOCRACY   TO  DEPEND   ON   ECCLESIASTICAL 
AUTHOiEITY 

14)  In  performing  its  functions,  Christian  Democracy  is 
most  strictly  bound  to  depend  upon  Ecclesiastical  Authority, 
and  to  render  full  submission  and  obedience  to  the  Bishops  and 
those  who  represent  them.  There  is  no  meritorious  zeal  or 
sincere  piety  in  enterprises,  however  beautiful  and  good  in 
themselves,  when  they  are  not  approved  by  the  legitimate  pastor. 
(Encyclical,  Grams  de  Communi.) 


APOSTOLIC  LETTER  OF  POPE  PIUS  X      115 

CHRISTIAN    DEMOCKACY    IN    ITALY 

15)  In  order  that  the  Christian  Democratic  movement  in 
Italy  may  be  united  in  its  efforts,  it  must  be  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Association  of  Catholic  Congresses  and  Commit- 
tees, which,  during  many  years  of  praiseworthy  labor,  has  de- 
served so  well  of  Holy  Church,  and  to  which  Pius  IX,  and 
Leo  XIII,  of  holy  memory,  have  entrusted  the  charge  of  di- 
recting the  whole  Catholic  movement,  always,  of  course,  under 
the  auspices  and  guidance  of  the  Bishops.  (Encyclical,  Graves 
de  Communi.) 

5.     Duties  of  Catholic  Social  Writers 

SUBJECTION    TO    THE    HOLY    SEE 

16)  Catholic  writers  must,  in  all  that  touches  religious  in- 
terests and  the  action  of  the  Church  in  society,  subject  them- 
selves entirely  in  intellect  and  will,  like  all  the  other  faithful 
Catholics,  to  their  bishops  and  to  the  Eoman  Pontiff.  They 
must,  above  all,  take  care  not  to  anticipate  the  judgments  of  the 
Holy  See  in  any  important  matter.  (Instruction  of  the  Cong, 
for  E.E.  Affairs.) 

ECCLESIASTICAL,   PEBMISSIOOSr    FOR    THEIR    PUBLICATIONS 

17)  Christian  Democratic  writers  must,  like  all  other  Cath- 
olic writers,  submit  to  the  previous  examination  of  the  Ordinary 
all  writings  which  concern  religion,  Christian  morals,  and  nat- 
ural ethics,  by  virtue  of  the  Constitution  Ojficorum  et  Munerum 
(Art.  41).  By  the  same  Constitution  ecclesiastics  must  obtain 
the  previous  consent  of  the  Ordinary  even  for  the  publication 
of  writings  of  a  merely  technical  character.  (Instruction  of  the 
Cong,  for  E.E.  Affairs.) 

CHARITY    AND    HARMONY    AMONG    THEMSELVES    AND    OBEDIENCE 
TO    ECCLESIASTICAL   AUTHORITY 

18)  They  must,  moreover,  make  every  effort  and  every  sacri- 
fice to  ensure  that  charity  and  harmony  may  reign  among  them, 
avoiding  every  kind  of  injurious  and  censorious  language. 
When  causes  of  disagreement  arise,  they  should,  instead  of 
printing  anything  on  the  matter  in  the  papers,  refer  it  to  the 


IIG  CHUECH  AND  LABOE 

ecclesiastical  authority,  which  will  then  act  with  justice.  When 
taken  to  task  by  the  ecclesiastical  authority,  let  them  obey 
promptly  without  evasion  or  public  complaints,  the  right  of 
appeal  to  a  higher  authority  being  understood  when  the  case 
requires  it  and  when  made  in  the  right  way.  (Instruction  of 
the  Cong,  for  E.E.  Affairs.) 

19)  Finally,  let  Catholic  writers  take  care,  when  defend- 
ing the  cause  of  the  proletariat  and  the  poor,  not  to  use  lan- 
guage calculated  to  inspire  among  the  people  aversion  to  the 
upper  classes  of  society.  Let  them  refrain  from  speaking  of 
redress  and  justice  when  the  matter  comes  within  the  domain 
of  charity  only,  as  has  been  explained  above.  Let  them  remem- 
ber that  Jesus  Christ  endeavored  to  unite  all  men  in  the  bond 
of  mutual  love,  which  is  the  perfection  of  justice,  and  which 
carries  with  it  the  obligation  of  working  for  the  welfare  of 
one  another.      (Instruction  of  the  Cong,  for  E.E.  Affairs.) 

C.     Conclusion 

1.     All  Social  Workers  Ought  to  Knotv  and  Observe  These 

Rules 
The  foregoing  fundamental  rules  we  of  our  own  initiative 
and  with  certain  knowledge  do  renew  by  our  apostolic  authority 
in  all  their  parts,  and  we  ordain  that  they  be  transmitted  to 
all  Catholio  Committees,  Societies,  and  Unions  of  whatever 
kind  and  form.  All  these  societies  are  to  keep  them  exposed  in 
their  rooms  and  to  have  them  read  frequently  at  their  meetings. 
We  ordain,  moreover,  that  the  Catholic  papers  publish  them  in 
their  entirety,  declare  their  o%vn  observance  of  them  reli- 
giously; failing  to  do  this  they  are  to  be  gravely  admonished 
and  if  they  do  not  then  amend,  let  them  be  interdicted  by 
ecclesiastical  authority. 

2.  Social  WorTcers  Must  Lead  an  Exemplary  Life 
But  as  words  and  energetic  action  are  of  no  avail  unless 
preceded,  accompanied  and  followed  constantly  by  example,  the 
necessary  characteristic  which  should  shine  forth  in  all  the 
members  of  every  Catholic  association,  is  that  of  openly  mani- 
festing their  faith  by  the  holiness  of  their  lives,  by  the  spotless- 


APOSTOLIC  LETTER  OF  POPE  PIUS  X      117 

ness  of  their  morals,  and  by  the  scrupulous  observance  of  the 
laws  of  God  and  of  the  Church.  And  this  because  it  is  the  duty 
of  every  Christian,  and  also  in  order  "  that  he  who  is  on  the 
contrary  part,  may  be  afraid,  having  no  evil  to  say  of  us." 
(Tit.  11:8.) 

3.     God's  Blessing  on  the  Work 
From  this  solicitude  of  ours  for  the  common  good  of  Catho- 
lic action,  especially  in  Italy,  we  hope,  through  the  blessing  of 
God,  to  reap  abundant  and  happy  fruits. 

Given  at  Rome,  at  St.  Peter's,  on  December  18,  1903,  in  the 
first  year  of  our  Pontificate. 

PIUS  X.,  Pope. 


4.     EXTRACTS  FEOM  LETTER  OF  POPE  PIUS  X 
CONDEMNING  LE  SILLON  ^ 

THE    SILLON    AND    CATHOLICISM 

And  now,  penetrated  with  the  keenest  sorrow,  we  ask  you. 
Venerable  Brethren,  what  has  become  of  the  Catholicism  of 
the  Sillon?  Alas!  that  which  once  held  out  such  fair  hopes, 
,  this  clear  rushing  stream  has  been  captured  in  its  course  by  the 
modem  enemies  of  the  Church,  and  only  forms  a  miserable 
tributary  of  the  great  movement  of  apostasy,  organised  in  every 
country,  for  the  establishment  of  a  universal  Church,  which  shall 
have  neither  dogmas  nor  hierarchy,  neither  rule  for  the  mind 
nor  bit  for  the  passions;  which,  under  the  pretexts  of  liberty 
and  human  dignity,  and  if  it  could  have  its  way,  would  bring 
into  the  world  the  legal  reign  of  deceit  and  might,  and  oppres- 
sion of  the  weak  and  of  those  who  suffer  and  toil. 

We  know  but  too  many  dark  laboratories  where  these  noxious 
doctrines,  which  should  deceive  no  clear-minded  man,  are  con- 

1  This  document  was  issued  August  25,  1910.  Le  Sillon  ("The  Fur- 
row") was  an  organization  of  French  Catholics,  founded  by  M.  Marc 
Sangier,  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  Avorking  classes  in  response  to 
the  call  of  Pope  Leo  XIII.  Within  a  few  j'ears  it  became  exceedingly 
powerful,  but  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  of  its  leaders  were  not  tempered  by 
that  moderation,  sound  doctrine  and  religious  loyalty  which  are  essential 
in  a  movement  truly  Catholic.  Despite  the  counsel  and  admonitions  of 
the  French  Bishops,  Le  Sillon  continued  to  exhibit  dangerous  tendencies 
and  to  preach  dangerous  doctrines.  At  length  it  was  condemned  by  Pope 
Pius  X,  as  disloyal  to  ecclesiastical  authority,  as  propagating  social  doc- 
trines contrary  to  those  laid  down  by  Pope  Leo  XIII,  and  as  attempting 
to  commit  the  Church  to  the  support  of  democratic  forms  of  government 
exclusively.  Inasmuch  as  these  errors  were,  upon  the  publication  of  the 
Pope's  Letter,  promptly  renounced  by  M.  Sangier  and  the  other  leaders  of 
Le  Sillon,  and  inasmuch  as  the  errors  never  obtained  a  serious  foothold  in 
Catholic  social  movements  outside  of  France,  the  greater  part  of  the  Letter 
has  been  omitted  from  this  volume.  The  two  sections  that  have  been  in- 
cluded are  pertinent  to-day,  and  have  a  universal  and  permanent  appli- 
cation to  social  movements  and  conditions. 

118 


FKOM  THE  LETTER  OF  POPE  PIUS  X       119 

cocted.  The  leaders  of  the  Sillon  are  unable  to  defend  them- 
selves against  them :  the  exaltation  of  their  sentiments,  the  blind 
goodness  of  their  hearts,  their  philosophical  mysticism  mingled 
with  illuminism,  have  dragged  them  towards  a  new  gospel,  in 
which  they  think  they  see  the  true  Gospel  of  the  Saviour,  so 
much  so,  that  they  dare  to  treat  Our  Lord  Jesus  Chrich  with  the 
most  disrespectful  familiarity;  and  their  ideal  being  the  off- 
spring of  the  Revolution,  they  do  not  fear  to  make  blasphemous 
conciliations  between  the  Gospel  and  the  Revolution,  which  have 
not  the  excuse  of  being  done  in  excitement  and  sudden  hurry. 
We  would  draw  your  close  attention,  Venerable  Brethren, 
to  this  defacement  of  the  Gospel  and  the  sacred  character  of 
Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  God  and  Man,  carried  on  in  the  Sil- 
lon and  elsewhere.  As  soon  as  the  social  question  is  broached, 
it  is  the  fashion  in  certain  quarters  first  to  make  away  with 
the  divinity  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  then  only  to  speak  of  His 
sovereign  gentleness,  His  compassion  for  all  human  miserj''.  His 
pressing  calls  to  love  of  our  neighbour  and  to  brotherhood. 
Jesus  has  indeed  loved  us  with  a  boundless  and  infinite  love; 
He  came  upon  earth  to  suffer  and  die  that  all  men,  imited  round 
}Iim  in  justice  and  love,  might  live  in  peace  and  happiness. 
But  for  the  realisation  of  this  temporal  and  eternal  happiness. 
He  has,  with  sovereign  authority,  laid  down  the  condition  that 
men  should  be  of  His  flock,  accept  His  doctrine,  practise  vir- 
tue, aaid  take  their  teaching  and  guidance  from  Peter  and  his 
successors.  If,  again,  Jesus  was  kind  to  those  who  have  strayed 
and  sinned,  He  showed  no  tolerance  for  their  erroneous  con- 
victions, however  sincere  they  appeared  to  be ;  He  has  loved  all 
to  instruct,  convert  and  save  them.  If  He  called  those  who 
labour  and  are  heavy-burdened  to  Him  to  relieve  them,  it  was 
not  to  preach  to  them  an  insane  ambition  for  equality.  If 
He  raised  the  lowly,  it  was  not  to  inspire  them  with  the  feel- 
ing of  an  independent  dignity  that  refuses  obedience.  If  His 
heart  overflowed  with  gentleness  for  men  of  goodwill.  He  also 
knew  how  to  arm  Himself  with  a  righteous  indignation  against 
those  who  profane  the  house  of  God,  against  the  wretches  who 
scandalise  little  ones,  against  governors  who  overwhelm  the 
people  under  the  weight  of  heavy  burdens  without  raising  a 


120  CHURCH  AOT)  LABOR 

finger  to  relieve  them.  He  was  as  strong  as  He  was  tender; 
He  reprimanded,  threatened  and  chastised,  knowing  and  teach- 
ing us  that  oftentimes  fear  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom,  and  that 
sometimes  it  is  well  to  cut  off  a  limb  to  save  the  body.  Lastly, 
He  never  announced  a  reign  of  ideal  felicity,  which  would 
know  no  suffering  for  the  society  of  the  future ;  rather  did  He, 
by  precept  and  example,  point  the  way  of  possible  happiness 
on  earth  and  perfect  happiness  in  heaven  —  the  royal  road 
of  the  Cross.  This  is  teaching  which  it  would  be  wrong  to 
apply  only  to  individual  life  and  eternal  salvation ;  it  is  teach- 
ing which  is  eminently  social,  and  reveals  to  us  in  Our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  something  quite  different  from  a  mere  humani- 
tarianism  utterly  lacking  in  stability  and  authority. 

THE    CLERGY    AISTD    SOCIAI.   ACTION 

Por  yourselves,  Venerable  Brethren,  do  you  actively  continue 
the  work  of  the  Saviour  of  mankind  by  the  imitation  of  His 
sweetness  and  strength.  Look  tenderly  on  all  human  miseries, 
let  no  sorrow  escape  your  pastoral  solicitude,  no  cry  find  you 
indifferent.  But,  at  the  same  time,  preach  their  duties  boldly 
to  great  and  small ;  it  is  your  duty  to  form  the  conscience  of 
the  people  and  of  the  public  powers.  The  social  question  will 
be  very  near  solution  when  both  these,  grown  less  exacting  about 
their  mutual  rights,  shall  fulfill  their  duties  more  exactly.  And 
as,  moreover,  in  the  conflict  of  interests,  and  especially  in 
the  struggle  with  dishonest  forces,  a  man's  virtue  or  sanctity 
even  may  not  be  sufficient  to  ensure  him  daily  bread,  and  as 
social  machinery  ought  to  be  so  organized  that  by  its  natural 
play  it  should  paralyse  the  efforts  of  the  vicious  and  put  their 
legitimate  share  of  temporal  happiness  within  the  reach  of  all 
men  of  goodwill,  it  is  our  earnest  wish  that  you  shall  take  an 
active  part  in  the  organisation  of  society  for  this  purpose.  To 
this  end,  whilst  your  priests  devote  themselves  with  ardour  to 
work  for  the  sanctification  of  souls,  the  defence  of  the  Church 
and  works  of  charity  strictly  so-called,  choose  some  from 
amongst  them,  men  who  are  active  and  stable-minded,  possess- 
ing the  degrees  of  doctor  in  philosophy  and  theology,  and  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  history  of  ancient  and  modem  civili- 


FROM  THE  LETTER  OF  POPE  PIUS  X       121 

sation,  and  apply  them  to  the  less  elevated  and  more  practical 
study  of  social  science,  in  order  that  at  the  right  time  they  may 
be  put  at  the  head  of  your  Catholic  action.  And  let  not  these 
priests  allow  themselves  to  be  led  away  in  the  maze  of  con- 
temporary opinion,  by  the  mirage  of  a  false  democracy ;  let  them 
not  borrow  from  the  rhetoric  of  the  worst  enemies  of  the  Church 
and  of  the  people  an  emphatic  language  which  is  crammed 
with  promises  as  high-sounding  as  they  are  impossible.  Let 
them  remember  that  the  social  question  and  social  science  were 
not  born  yesterday ;  tliat  at  all  times  the  Church  and  the  State, 
happily  working  together,  have  established  for  this  purpose  or- 
ganisations that  have  proved  fruitful ;  that  the  Church  which  has 
never  betrayed  the  happiness  of  the  people  by  compromising 
alliances,  has  not  to  sever  herself  from  the  past,  and  that  she 
has  only  to  take  up  again,  with  the  assistance  of  the  true 
workers  of  the  social  restoration,  the  organisms  destroyed  by  the 
Revolution,  and  in  the  same  Christian  spirit  which  inspired 
them,  to  adapt  them  to  the  new  situation  created  by  the  material 
development  of  contemporary  society;  for  the  true  friends  of 
the  people  are  neither  revolutionaries  nor  innovators,  but  tradi- 
tionalists. 


5.  ENCYCLICAL  LETTEE  OF  POPE  PIUS  X  TO  THE 
GERMAN  HIERARCHY  ON  CATHOLIC  AND  CHRIS- 
TIAN LABOR  UNIONS 

Editor's  Introduction 

EoB  an  intelligent  understanding  of  this  Encyclical  of  Pope 
Pius  X,  written  in  1912,  an  explanation  of  the  trade  union  con- 
ditions in  Germany  at  this  period  is  necessary.  It  will  afford 
an  occasion  at  the  same  time  of  explaining  the  nature  of  the 
Catholic  and  Christian  labor  unions  that  have  long  been  in 
existence  in  various  parts  of  Europe. 

The  modern  labor  movement  in  Germany  was  unfortunately 
dominated,  almost  from  its  inception,  by  atheistic  influences. 
The  two  earliest  classes  of  workingmen's  associations,  one 
Liberalistic  and  playing  into  the  hands  of  the  capitalists,  the 
other  frankly  Socialistic,  were  equally  bent  upon  destroying 
every  vestige  of  faith  in  the  hearts  of  the  German  people. 
These  dangers  were  met  at  once  by  the  organizations  formed 
under  the  inspiration  of  the  great  Bishop  Ketteler.  Later  de- 
velopments did  not  change  the  antagonistic  attitude  towards  re- 
ligion assumed  by  the  trade  unions  of  the  country.  Catholics 
were  thus  obliged  to  form  their  own  labor  unions,  whether  in 
conjunction  with  members  of  other  Christian  denominations,  or 
exclusively  among  themselves.  Thus  two  classes  of  labor  unions 
arose  with  Catholic  membership,  the  one  known  as  the  Chris- 
tian syndicates  {Christliche  GewerJcschaften) ,  including  Prot- 
estants who  subscribed  to  their  economic  program,  and  the 
other  retaining  the  name  Catholic. 

To  explain  the  origin  of  the  latter  we  must  refer  to  the 

■Workingmen's  Associations    (Arheitervereine).     To  these  the 

Pope  also  alludes,  making  the  membership  in  them  obligatory 

for  every  trade  unionst  belonging  to  the  Christian  syndicates, 

while  the  Socialist  organizations  are  of  course  banned  entirely. 

The  essential  purpose  of  the  Workingmen's  Association  is 

122 


LETTER  TO  THE  GERMAN  HIERARCHY     123 

not  to  champion  the  economic  interests  of  the  workers  in  their 
respective  trades,  but  to  offer  the  laborers  an  opportunity  for 
the  desired  intellectual,  moral  and  religious  education,  and 
to  further  their  development  in  a  manner  that  will  make  of 
them  good  citizens,  loyal  Catholics,  and  socially  enlightened 
members  of  their  own  industrial  class.  Special  work  of  an 
economic  nature,  that  does  not  embrace  trade-union  activities,  is 
also  undertaken,  such  as  the  promotion  of  an  active  interest  in 
the  solution  of  the  housing  problem,  and  countless  similar  ques- 
tions. The  following  detailed  description  of  their  manifold 
purpose  is  translated  from  their  statutes  as  they  existed  at  the 
date  of  the  Encyclical,  and  is  taken  from  the  authoritative 
work  upon  this  subject,  by  Dr.  Otto  Miiller:^ 

(1)  Preservation  and  furtherance  of  religion-  and  morality  on  the 
part  of  the  members,  in  close  connection  with  the  Church. 

(2)  Instruction  and  enlightenment  of  members  concerning  the 
aims  of  Christian  social  reform  and  the  combating  of  Socialistic 
errors. 

(3)  Instruction  of  members  concerning  their  rights  and  duties  as 
citizens. 

(4)  Protection  and  furtherance  of  the  economic  interests  of  the 
■workingmen,  particularly  by  educating  them  to  cooperate  practically 
in  the  efforts  made  for  the  social  and  economic  uplifting  of  their 
state. 

(5)  Promotion  of  general  education  and  vocational  trade  educa- 
tion among  the  members. 

(6)  Creation  of  benevolent  institutions. 

(7)  I'urtherance  of  the  virtues  of  their  state  in  life  and  a  Chris- 
tian refinement  of  their  class-consciousness. 

(8)  Cultivation  of  a  genuine  fellowship,  and  promotion  of  enno- 
bling entertainment  and  sociability. 

Political  purposes  are  strictly  excluded.  The  organization 
is  therefore  an  excellent  application  of  the  concept  of  Chris- 
tian Democracy  given  to  the  world  by  Pope  Leo  XIII.  The 
methods  of  attaining  the  purposes  here  described  are: 

(1)  Solemn  Communion  on  set  days. 

(2)  Lectures  upon  topics  mentioned  for  instruction. 

(3)  Social   instruction   courses  for  members   able  to   follow  them 

1  KathoUsche  Arheiterverevne.  Ihre  N otwendigkeit,  Aufgabe  und  Em- 
richtungen,  Soziale  Tagesfragen,  No.  22. 


124  CHUECH  AOT)  LABOR 

with    advantage.     Establishment   of   commissions    for   carrying   out 
practical  social  measures,  etc. 

(4)  Foundation  of  a  society  library  and  the  proi^agation  of  Catho- 
lic workingmen's  literature. 

(5)  The  founding,  so  far  as  possible,  of  savings  banks  or  affilia- 
tion with  those  already  in  existence.  Affiliation  with  central  in- 
surance organizations  for  cases  of  sickness  and  death. 

(6)  Arrangement  of  family  feasts  to  which  the  wives  of  the  mem- 
bers are  also  to  be  invited. 

Meetings  are  held  every  fourteen  days  in  winter,  and  as 
often  as  may  be  determined  upon  in  summer.  Annual  general 
meetings  take  place  to  decide  financial  matters,  etc.,  make 
changes  in  the  statutes,  etc.  The  guidance  of  the  society  rests 
with  a  priest  duly  appointed  by  his  ecclesiastical  superiors, 
known  as  the  Prases.     The  pastor  is  honorarv'  Prases. 

What  is  here  of  particular  importance  is  their  relation  to  the 
trade  unions.  The  Workingmen's  Associations  were  soon 
federated  into  three  great  unions  comprising  separately  the 
western,  the  southern  and  the  so-called  Sitz-Berlin  sections.^ 
The  former  two  preferred  to  leave  all  active  participation  in 
trade  union  interests,  concerning  wages  and  labor,  to  the  Chris- 
tian syndicates,  or  trade  unions,  already  described.  Their 
method  was  to  promote  membership  in  the  latter  while  the  Chris- 
tian syndicates  were  to  reciprocate  by  urging  their  owm  Catholic 
trade  unionists  to  join  in  turn  the  Workingmen's  Association. 
Thus  a  friendly  cooperation  existed  between  these  two  separate 
organizations,  each  active  within  its  own  sphere,  but  working 
together  for  the  religious,  moral  and  intellectual,  as  well  as 
for  the  economic  and  strictly  trade-union  interests  of  the  laborer. 
All  these  purposes,  with  the  exception  of  the  last,  were  included 
within  the  scope  of  the  Workingmen's  Associations  (Arheiter- 
vereine)  themselves. 

The  group  of  these  latter  organizations,  however,  known  as 
Sitz-Berlin,  wished  also  to  include  trade-union  interests  within 
their  scope.  Since  the  members  of  the  Arbeitervereine  are 
necessarily  Catholics,  a  system  of  strictly  Catholic  trade  unions 
thus  spontaneously  sprang  into  being,  by  merely  extending  the 
sphere  of  the  Workingmen's  Associations  to  an  active  participa- 
3  Staatslexicon,  II,  764-765.    Third  edition,  1909. 


LETTER  TO  THE  GEEMAK  HIERARCHY      125 

tion  in  wage  and  labor  interests.  The  contention  now  raised 
was  that  all  Catholic  laborers  should  unite  in  Catholic  Syn- 
dicates or  labor  unions  and  relinquish  the  prospering  Christian 
syndicates,  with  their  partly  Protestant  membership.  The  act- 
ual proportion  of  Catholic  and  Protestant  members  in  the 
Christian  syndicates  at  the  particular  time  when  the  Encyclical 
of  Pope  Pius  X  appeared  may  be  gauged  from  the  fact  that 
among  approximately  350,000  members,  there  were  only  from 
70,000  to  90,000  Evangelicals. 

The  hope  had  been  entertained  that  the  Christian  trade 
unions  would  in  time  become  as  strong  as  those  of  a  Socialistic 
nature.  The  opposition  to  them  on  the  part  of  the  Catholic 
trade  unions  began  with  Savigny,  who  in  1891  maintained  in 
the  Mdrischen  Kirchenhlatt  that  interdenominational  unions 
were  not  reconcilable  with  the  Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII, 
issued  that  same  year.  This  contention  he  again  defended  in 
a  brochure  published  in  1900.^ 

The  Christian  syndicates,  on  the  other  side,  were  expressly 
endorsed  both  by  Bishop  Fritzen  of  Strassburg  and  Cardinal 
Fisher  of  Cologne.  The  latter  is  regarded  as  the  great  pioneer 
and  protector  of  the  Christian  labor  movement  of  Cologne,  and 
his  views  became  identified  with  the  thought  processes  of  the 
Christian  labor  movement  in  his  archdiocese.  This  movement 
may  really,  therefore,  be  considered  as  consisting  of  two  co- 
ordinate branches:  the  Workingmen's  Associations,  Tcatholische 
Arbeitervereine,  for  the  work  of  a  general  economic  enlighten- 
ment and  progress,  together  with  a  religious  and  moral  develop- 
ment of  the  Catholic  laborer,  on  the  one  hand ;  and  the  Chris- 
tian syndicates,  or  interdenominational  trade  unions,  christliche 
Geiverkschaften,  on  the  other,  for  the  purely  economic  trade- 
union  issues  as  interpreted  in  the  spirit  of  Bishop  Ketteler  and 
Pope  Leo  XIII.^ 

The  decision  of  the  Holy  Father,  which  has  a  pertinent  ap- 
plication also  in  our  time,  can  be  thus  briefly  summarized : 

While  Catholic  labor  unions  are  the  obvious  ideal  for  Catholic 
workingmen,  the  conditions  existing  in  Germany  at  the  time 

3  Arbeitervereine  und  Oewerkschaften  im  Lichte  der  EncykUka  rerum 
novarum. 

*  Kolnische  Volkszeitung,  Dec.  9,  1919. 


126  CHUECH  AND  LABOE 

are  such  that  Christian,  i.e.  interdenominational,  labor  unions 
are  not  to  be  condemned.  Catholics  may  with  a  free  con- 
science join  them,  and  their  loyalty  to  the  Catholic  Faith  is  not 
therefore  to  be  impugned.  But  it  is  necesssary  that  proper 
provisions  be  taken  to  safeguard  their  religion  and  teach  them 
the  correct  moral  principles,  since  the  social  question  is  emi- 
nently a  religious  and  moral  question. 

Hence  every  German  Catholic  laborer  who  joins  a  Christian 
union  must  also  join  a  Catholic  Workingmen's  Association. 
Such  is  the  express  ruling  wisely  made  in  these  circumstances. 

Its  application  to  countries  where  not  even  Christian  labor 
unions,  but  purely  neutral  trade  unions  exist,  is  clear.  The 
Catholic  workingman  belonging  to  such  a  union  stands  even 
much  more  in  need  of  Catholic  social  instruction  and  every 
effort  must  be  made  to  see  that  his  faith  is  guarded,  while  cor- 
rect economic  principles  are  given  to  him  and  he  is  helped  to 
realize  all  his  justified  ideals  and  ambitions.  Where  Social- 
ism absorbs  the  trade-union  movement  of  a  country  it  becomes 
imperative  for  Catholic  workingmen  to  have  their  own  Catholic 
or  Christian  unions,  accordingly  as  circumstances  may  require 
and  justify.  Such  unions  may  then  cooperate  with  the  anti- 
Christian  organizations  in  so  far  as  just  measures  are  defended, 
and  the  law  of  Christian  charity  is  maintained.  Splendid  re- 
sults have  been  achieved  by  them  in  many  sections  of  Europe, 
although  they  have  naturally  been  traduced  by  the  Socialist 
internationals  with  all  the  unscrupulous  methods  of  falsification 
at  their  command. '^ 

Socialist  unions  in  Germany  would  not  prevent  their  mem- 
bers from  acting  as  strike-breakers  when  there  was  question  of 
a  strike  declared  by  Christian  unions,  while  they  would  insist 
that  their  own  strikes  must  be  respected,  as  if  the  decision  could 
rest  with  them  alone.  Such  is  the  confusion  Socialism  has 
brought  into  the  labor  camps,  preventing  the  harmonious  co 
operation  of  all  the  labor  elements. 

5  See :  Church  and  Trade  Unions  in  Germany,  am,  Attack  and  a  R«jovnder. 
An  answer  to  such  calumnies  spread  among  American,  labor  unionists. 
Published  by  the  Central  Bureau  of  the  Central  Verein,  St-  Louis. 


LETTER  TO  THE  GERMAN"  HIERARCHY     127 

THE  LETTER 

To  Our  Beloved  Son,  George  Cardinal  Kopp,  Bishop  of  Breslau, 
and  to  Our  Venerable  Brothers,  the  other  Archbishops  and 
Bishops  of  Germany  —  Pius  PP.X. 
Beloved  Son  and  Venerable  Brothers,  Health  and  the  Apostolic 
Benediction : 
{SinguLari  quadam).     Our  special  love  and  good  will  towards 
the  Catholics  of  Germany,  who  are  united  to  the  Apostolic  See 
by  ties  of  closest  allegiance  and  obedience,  and  who  have  al- 
ways fought  generously  and  strenuously  for  the  Church,  have 
impelled  Us,  Venerable  Brothers,  to  devote  all  Our  attention 
and  care  to  the  settlement  of  the  controversy  which  exists  among 
them  concerning  labor  unions.     It  is  a  question  that  has  fre- 
quently been  brought  to  Our  notice  during  recent  years  by 
several  of  yourselves  and  by  prudent  and  sensible  men  belong- 
ing to  both  parties.     We  have  devoted  Ourselves  all  the  more 
earnestly  to  this  matter  inasmuch  as  the  sense  of  Our  Apostolic 
office  makes  Us  feel  that  it  is  Our  sacred  duty  to  strive  and 
to  ensure  that  these  beloved  children  of  Ours  keep  the  Catholic 
doctrine  unadulterated  and  entire,   and  on  no  account  allow 
their  faith  to  be  endangered.     For  there  is  evident   danger 
that  if  they  are  not  promptly  stimulated  to  be  on  their  guard 
they  may  gradually  and,  as  it  were,  unconsciously,  settle  down 
into  that  species  of  vague  and  indefinite  Christianity,  known 
as  "  Interconfessionalism,"  which  is  now  being  diffused  on  the 
false  plea  of  a  common  Christian  faith,  whereas  nothing  could 
be  more  clearly  opposed  to  the  preaching  of  Jesus  Christ.     More- 
over, as  it  is  Our  most  ardent  desire  to  foster  and  consolidate 
harmony  among  Catholics,  we  wish  to  see  every  possible  cause 
removed   which   can   breed   those   dissensions   that   divide   the 
energies  of  the  good,  and  serve  only  the  interests  of  the  enemies 
of  religion.     So  too  We  desire  that,  together  with  their  fellow- 
countrymen  who  do  not  profess  the  Catholic  faith,  they  culti- 
vate that  peace  without  which  neither  social  order  nor  national 
prosperity  can  exist. 


128  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

ASKED    FOK    OPINIONS 

But  although,  as  We  have  said,  We  understood  the  state  of 
this  question.  We  have  been  pleased,  before  deciding  it,  to  ask 
each  of  you.  Venerable  Brothers,  for  his  opinion,  and  you  at  Our 
request  have  individually  answered  with  the  diligence  and  care 
that  the  importance  of  the  matter  called  for. 

In  the  first  place,  we  therefore  insist  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all 
Catholics,  a  duty  to  be  faithfully  and  inviolately  observed  both 
in  private  and  in  common  and  public  life,  to  hold  firmly  and 
to  profess  unshrinkingly  the  principles  of  Christian  truth  en- 
trusted to  the  teaching  authority  of  the  Catholic  Church.  We 
refer  especially  to  those  principles  set  forth  most  advisedly 
by  Our  Predecessor  in  the  encyclical  Rerum  novarum,  which,  as 
We  know,  the  Bishops  of  Prussia,  who  met  at  Pulda  in  1900, 
closely  followed  in  their  deliberations,  and  which  We  realize 
you  yourselves  have  also  had  in  mind  in  writing  back  to  Us 
your  opinion  on  this  question.     To  wit : 

That  whatever  a  Christian  may  do,  even  in  the  order  of 
earthly  things,  he  is  never  permitted  to  disregard  the  good 
that  is  above  nature,  but  according  to  the  dictates  of  Chris- 
tian wisdom  must  look  to  the  supreme  good  as  to  his  ulti- 
mate end;  and  that  all  his  actions,  in  as  far  as  they  are  good 
or  bad  in  the  order  of  morals, —  i.e.  in  as  far  as  they  are  in 
harmony  or  in  conflict  with  the  natural  and  Divine  law  —  come 
under  the  judgment  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Church. 

That  all  who,  as  individuals  or  as  members  of  an  organiza- 
tion, glory  in  the  Christian  name  should  be  mindful  of  their 
duty  to  promote  among  the  classes  of  society  not  enmities  and 
hidden  grudges,  but  mutual  peace  and  charity. 

That  the  social  question  and  the  controversies  connected  with 
it  regarding  the  conditions  and  hours  of  labor,  salaries  or 
strikes,  are  not  of  a  purely  economic  character  and  therefore 
not  of  a  kind  that  can  be  settled  without  reference  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  Church,  "  since  on  the  contrary,  it  is  altogether 
true  that  [the  social  question]  is  first  of  all  a  moral  and  reli- 
gious one,  and  therefore  to  be  settled  mainly  by  the  moral  law 
and  the  judgment  of  religion."  * 
6  Encyclical  Graves  de  Communi. 


LETTER  TO  THE  GERMAI^T  HIERAECHY      129 

workinqmen's  societies 
Now,  with  reference  to  workinginen's  societies,  although  their 
object  is  to  secure  temporal  advantages  for  their  members,  those 
are  to  be  regarded  as  worthy  of  the  highest  approval,  and  as 
the  best  fitted  to  promote  the  real  and  solid  utility  of  their 
members,  which  are  founded  chiefly  on  the  basis  of  the  Catholic 
religion  and  openly  follow  the  leadership  of  the  Church.  This 
We  have  Ourselves  several  times  declared  for  different  nations, 
as  occasion  offered.  Hence  it  follows  that  such  Catholic  as- 
sociations should  be  established  and  favored  in  every  way, 
certainly  in  Catholic  countries  and  in  all  other  places  also  where 
it  appears  that  through  them  provision  can  be  made  for  the 
various  needs  of  their  members.  In  the  case  of  associations 
which  directly  or  indirectly  touch  the  cause  of  religion  or 
morals,  We  cannot  in  any  way  approve  the  attempt  to  promote 
or  propagate  mixed  associations,  that  is,  those  which  are  made 
up  of  Catholics  and  non-Catholics,  in  the  countries  just  men- 
tioned. For,  to  say  nothing  of  other  reasons,  the  integrity  of 
the  faith  of  Our  own  people  and  their  just  respect  for  the  laws 
and  precepts  of  the  Church  are,  or  certainly  may  be,  greatly 
endangered  through  such  societies.  Of  the  existence  of  these 
dangers  We  find  an  open  acknowledgment,  Venerable  Brothers, 
in  many  of  your  answers  on  this  question. 

THE    CARTEL. 

Hence  We  gladly  bestow  all  praise  on  the  purely  Catholic 
workingmen's  associations  in  Germany,  and  We  wish  them  suc- 
cess in  all  their  efforts  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  toiling 
multitudes,  and  hope  they  will  develop  ever  more  and  more 
happily.  But  in  saying  this  We  do  not  deny  that,  to  better  the 
state  of  the  worker,  and  his  wages,  the  conditions  of  labor,  or 
for  any  other  honest  and  useful  purpose,  it  is  lawful  for 
Catholics  to  work  in  common  with  non-Catholics  for  the  com- 
mon welfare,  provided  the  proper  precaution  is  taken.  But  We 
prefer  that  in  doing  this,  Catholic  societies  and  non-Catholic 
societies  be  united  in  that  kind  of  happily  devised  understand- 
ing known  as  the  Cartel. 


130  CHUUCH  AKD  LABOR 

CHBISTIAN    SYNDICATE'S 

But  here,  Venerable  Brothers,  many  of  you  ask  Us  that  you 
be  permitted  by  Us  to  tolerate  what  are  known  as  the  Chris- 
tian Syndicates  [i.e.  Christian  Trade  Unions],'^  as  they  exist 
at  present  in  your  dioceses,  on  the  ground  that  the  number  of 
workingmen  they  contain  is  far  greater  than  that  of  the  purely 
Catholic  associations  and  that  grave  inconveniences  would  fol- 
low if  such  permission  were  withheld.     This  petition  We  think 
well  to  grant  in  view  of  the  special  conditions  of  Catholicism 
in  Germany,  and  We  declare  that  it  is  tolerated  and  permitted 
for  Catholics  to  join  these  mixed  societies  which  exist  in  your 
dioceses,  as  long  as  new  circumstances  do  not  make  this  tolerance 
inopportune  and  unjust.     This,  however,  We  grant  on  condi- 
tion [ita  tamen]  that  suitable  precautions  be  taken  to  obviate 
those  dangers  which,  as  We  have  said,  are  to  be  found  in  such 
organizations.     The  chief  of  these  precautions  are  as  follows: 
First  of  all,  care  is  to  be  taken  that  the  Catholic  workers  who 
are  members  of  those  syndicates  be  enrolled  also  in  those  Cath- 
olic societies  for  workingmen  which  are  called  Workingmen's 
Associations  [Arheitervereine],     Should  this  entail  some  sacri- 
fice to  them,  especially  of  money,  we  take  it  for  certain  that, 
eager  as  they  are  for  the  preservation  of  their  faith,  they  will 
willingly  make  it.     For  experience  happily  shows  that  these 
Catholic  associations,  thanks  to  the  clergy  under  whose  leader- 
ship and  vigilance  they  are  conducted,  contribute  greatly  to- 
wards preserving  the  purity  of  the  faith  and  the  good  moral 
conduct  of  their  members  and  towards  fostering  their  religious 
spirit  by  various  pious  exercises.     Thus  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  leaders  of  these  associations,  with  their  knowledge  of 
present  conditions,  will  communicate  to  the  workingmen  those 
precepts  and  prescriptions  which  they  kn6w  to  be  necessary  or 
useful  for  them,  so  that  they  may  properly  be  members  of  the 
s^mdicates   and  live   according  to   the  principles   of   Catholic 
teaching. 
1  Christliche  Oewerkschaften. 


LETTER  TO  THE  GEEMAN  HIERAECHY     131 

DUTIES    OF   BISHOPS 

Moreover,  these  syndicates,  to  be  fit  for  Catholic  members, 
must  refrain  from  all  methods  and  acts  out  of  harmony  with 
the  doctrines  and  commands  of  the  Church  or  of  legitimate 
sacred  authority,  and  their  writings,  utterances  or  doings  must 
in  this  respect  contain  nothing  reprehensible.  Hence  the 
Bishops  are  to  consider  it  a  most  sacred  duty,  to  observe  care- 
fully how  these  societies  are  conducted  and  to  see  that  Catholics 
take  no  harm  from  intercourse  with  them.  And  the  Catholic 
members  of  these  syndicates  in  their  own  turn,  must  never 
permit  the  syndicates,  even  as  such,  while  looking  after  the 
earthly  advantages  of  their  members,  to  profess  or  do  things 
in  anyways  contrary  to  the  precepts  entrusted  to  the  supreme 
teaching  authority  of  the  Church,  and  especially  to  those 
maxims  we  have  mentioned  above.  To  this  end,  whenever  ques- 
tions arise  affecting  moral  topics,  that  is,  of  justice  or  charity, 
the  Bishops  shall  watch  most  carefully  that  the  faithful  do  not 
disregard  the  Catholic  code  of  morals  or  depart  so  much  as  a 
hair's  breadth  from  its  observance. 

We  are,  indeed,  certain.  Venerable  Brothers,  that  you  will 
eee  that  these  prescriptions  of  Ours  are  religiously  and  in- 
violately  observed,  and  that  you  will  diligently  and  assiduously 
keep  Us  informed  on  a  matter  of  such  moment.  Since  We  have 
taken  this  question  upon  Ourselves,  We  reserve  to  Ourselves 
all  decisions  concerning  it.  With  the  advice  of  the  Bishops, 
we  enjoin  upon  all  good  Catholics  to  abstain  hereafter  from 
all  controversy  among  themselves  on  the  subject.  We  are 
pleased  to  believe  that,  observing  fraternal  charity  and  showing 
entire  obedience  to  Our  authority  and  that  of  their  pastors, 
they  will  carry  out  fully  and  heartily  what  We  order.  Should 
any  difficulty  arise  they  have  a  ready  means  for  settling  it:  let 
them  approach  their  Bishops  and  lay  the  matter  before  them 
and  let  the  latter  submit  the  question  to  this  Apostolic  See, 
which  will  decide  it. 

PEACE    AITD    PROGRESS 

We  need  but  add,  as  indeed  is  clear  from  what  We  have  said, 
that  no  Catholics  who  are  constant  in  their  defense  of  the  teach- 


13"2  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

ings  and  rights  of  the  Church,  and  who,  with  a  proper  inten- 
tion, wish  to  be  or  are  members  of  the  mixed  syndicates  in 
places  where  the  religious  authority  has  seen  fit  to  permit  mem- 
bership in  them  because  of  local  conditions,  shall  be  attacked 
or  accused  as  suspect  in  the  Faith, —  understanding  that  all 
necessary  precautions  are  taken.  So,  too,  it  would  be  highly 
reprehensible  to  pursue  with  hostility  the  purely  Catholic  as- 
sociations —  which  indeed  are  to  be  helped  and  promoted  in 
every  way,  and  to  try  to  introduce  and,  as  it  were,  to  impose  the 
interconfessional  trade  unions,  on  the  pretext,  among  other 
reasons,  of  reducing  all  the  societies  of  Catholics  in  the  various 
dioceses  to  one  and  the  same  form. 

Meanwhile,  in  Our  desire  that  Catholic  Germany  may  enjoy 
great  progress,  both  religious  and  civil,  "We  implore  for  this 
happy  end  the  special  assistance  of  Almighty  God  and  the 
protection  of  the  Virgin  Mother  of  God,  who  is  the  Queen  of 
Peace,  and  as  an  augury  of  Divine  gifts  and  a  pledge  of  Our 
special  affection.  We  most  lovingly  impart  the  Apostolic  Bene- 
diction to  you,  Beloved  Son  and  Venerable  Brothers,  and  to  your 
clergy  and  people. 

Given  at  Rome  at  St.  Peter's,  September  24th,  1912,  in  the 
tenth  year  of  Our  Pontificate. 

PIUS,  PP.  X. 


6.  LETTEE  SENT  BY  POPE  BENEDICT  XV 
THROUGH  CARDINAL  GASPARRI  TO  CARDINAL 
LUCON,  ARCHBISHOP  OE  RHEIMS  ^ 

Your  Eminence^ —  The  Holy  Eather  has  duly  received  the 
copy  which  Your  Eminence  sent  to  him,  of  the  recent  Joint  Let- 
ter of  the  French  Episcopate,  reminding  the  Catholics  of 
France  of  the  principles  which  should  govern  families,  societies 
and  States.  In  addressing,  in  the  person  of  Your  Eminence, 
the  Cardinals,  Archbishops  and  Bishops  of  France,  his  thanks 
for  that  communication,  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  not  only  ap- 
proves the  exposition  of  those  principles  which  will  be  developed 
and  stated  in  detail  according  to  circumstances,  but  he  praises 
the  opportuneness  of  the  moment  chosen  for  their  recall  to 
the  French  people. 

And  indeed,  as  the  letter  of  the  Bishops  so  well  puts  it,  after 
the  victory  achieved  by  force  of  arms  at  the  cost  of  a  five  years' 
struggle  unparalleled  in  history,  it  is  now  a  question  of  restoring 
the  material  and  moral  ruins  wrought  by  the  war.  If  the 
former  can  be  restored  by  the  resumption  of  economic  activity 
and  the  financial  assistance  of  the  State,  the  latter  are  only 
to  be  remedied  by  bringing  back  the  people  to  the  principles 
of  the  Christian  faith  and  morality.  Thence  it  is  seen  how 
large  a  factor  for  the  uplifting  of  the  country  is  the  influence 
of  the  Catliolic  Church,  with  the  unceasing  assistance  of  the 
Holy  Spirit. 

Coming  to  a  particular  point,  who  does  not  see  that  hence- 
forth the  current  flows  ever  more  and  more  strongly  towards 
democracy?  The  proletariat,  as  it  is  called,  having  taken  a 
preponderant  part  in  the  war,  is  anxious  in  every  country  to 
obtain  from  it  the  greatest  possible  advantages.     Unfortunately, 

1  This  letter  was  written  in  the  summer  of  1919,  and  was  addressed  to  the 
French  Episcopate  in  acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of  the  Pastoral  Letter 
issued  by  that  body.  An  extract  from  the  Pastoral  appears  on  a  later  page 
of  this  volume.  It  will  be  observed  that  this  and  the  other  two  pronounce- 
ments by  Pope  Benedict  on  the  social  question  were  called  forth  by  special 
occasions,  and  that  the  principal  note  in  all  three  of  them  is  insistence  upon 
the  authority  and  efficacy  of  the  social  doctrines  of  Pope  Leo  XIII. 

133 


134  CHUUCH  AND  LABOR 

they  are  often  deceived  and  pushed  to  excesses  which,  in  ovei^ 
turning  the  social  order  that  is  conformable  to  human  nature 
itself,  turn  finally  to  the  detriment  of  all,  and  are  especially 
damaging  to  the  workers  and  those  less  fortunately  placed. 
That  has  happened  to  other  nations  which  till  recently  were 
prosperous,  but  are  now  reduced  to  an  extremity  of  misery 
which  they  would  like  to  extend  to  all  Europe,  and  even  the 
whole  world ;  and  is  not  this  a  plain  proof  of  what  we  say  ? 

The  Catholic  Church  has  ever  been  the  friend  of  those  who 
are  in  trouble;  she  has  always  taught  that  the  public  authori- 
ties, established  for  the  welfare  of  all,  should  strive  especially 
for  the  betterment  of  the  condition  of  those  who  suffer.  That 
is  why,  as  the  Bishops  so  well  say,  the  clergy  and  people,  in- 
stead of  merely  opposing  the  claims  of  the  proletariat,  ought 
to  support  them,  provided  that  they  are  within  the  bounds  of 
what  is  just  and  honest,  as  set  forth  clearly  in  the  immortal 
encyclical  Rerum  Novarum  of  Leo  XIII.  In  order  that 
these  bounds  be  the  more  surely  respected  and  the  direful  ex- 
cesses above  referred  to  avoided,  the  Bishops  give  the  Catholics 
of  France  the  pertinent  counsel  of  cultivating  union  amongst 
themselves  and  with  other  citizens  of  good  will,  whikt  follow- 
ing the  directions  given  by  the  Popes  in  the  past  and  never  re- 
voked. 

The  Holy  Father  is  confident  that  French  Catholics  will  show 
quite  special  readiness  to  remain  faithful  to  the  exhortations, 
counsels,  and  commands  of  the  Holy  See  and  of  their  zealous 
pastors.  They  will  thus  work  for  the  general  good  of  their 
beloved  country,  for  present  harmony  amongst  all  classes 
v.'hich  is  an  essential  condition  of  the  happiness  of  peoples,  and 
at  the  same  time  will  bring  back  to  Jesus  Christ  those  who  to 
their  own  misfortune  have  strayed  away  from  their  adorable 
Master. 

In  this  hope  His  Holiness  renews  with  all  his  paternal  heart 
his  blessings  to  the  venerable  Episcopate  of  France;  and  I  my- 
self take  occasion  to  offer  to  Your  Eminence  the  homage  of 
profound  veneration  with  which  I  kiss  your  hand  and  remain. 
Your  Eminence's  humble  and  devoted  servant, 

P.  CARDINAL  GASPARRL 


7.  LETTER  SE:NT  BY  POPE  BENEDICT  XV 
THROUGH  CARDINAL  GASPARRI  TO  M.  EUGENE 
DUTHOIT,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  8EMAINE8 
SOCIALES  DE  FRANCE  ^ 

Mr.  President: 

The  Holy  Father  was  not  surprised  at  the  step  so  respectful 
and  trusting  you  were  eager  to  take  in  his  regard  at  the  moment 
when,  as  president  of  the  general  commission  of  the  Semaines 
de  France,  you  succeeded  the  late  lamented  Henri  Larin.  By 
coming  in  your  own  name  and  that  of  your  colleagues  to  place 
at  the  feet  of  His  Holiness  the  homage  of  your  common  filial 
piety  and  faithful  adherence  to  his  directions,  you  were  carry- 
ing out  a  tradition  most  dear  to  the  friend  whom  you  cannot 
forget,  and  you  made  evident  your  intention  of  never  depart- 
ing from  it. 

At  the  same  time  you  showed  how  lively  and  how  enlight- 
ened is  your  consciousness  of  your  Christian  responsibilities. 
According  to  the  words  which  are,  as  it  were,  the  device  of  your 
semaines  sociales,  you  have  in  view  the  cultivation  of  knowl- 
edge for  practical  ends,  and  you  attentively  observe  the  com- 
plete and  changing  reality  of  social  facts:  thus  you  neglect 
nothing  which  could  make  clear  the  positive  data  of  the  prob- 
lems which  are  of  as  vital  concern  to  the  Church  as  to  civil 
society,  the  salvation  of  souls  and  the  common  welfare  of  your 
country.  But  you  are  profoundly  convinced  that  although  these 
problems  arise  in  the  material  order  of  economic  interests,  yet 
they  are  moral  problems  in  their  very  essence,  and  for  this 
reason  their  solution  is  governed  by  the  doctrine  of  which  the 
Church  is  the  infallible  guardian.  Therefore,  your  heart  and 
mind  are  always  disposed  to  ra?eive  eagerly  the  teachings  of 
him  to  whom  the  Divine  Master  has  entinisted  the  care  of  safe- 
guarding all  the  members  of  His  flock  against  error.  What 
characterizes  particularly  all  your  work  is  the  constant  care  to 

1  In  the  summer  of  1919. 

135 


136  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

attain  a  most  scientific  accuracy  in  the  study  of  facts,  a  deli- 
cate and  manly  docility  towards  the  authority  of  the  Church, 
rind  this  line  of  conduct,  in  fact,  is  incumbent  on  whomsoever, 
in  accordance  with  the  explicit  desire  quite  recently  expressed 
by  His  Holiness  Benedict  XV,  intends  to  make  easy  for  the 
people  the  concrete  solution  of  the  problems  which  confront 
them. 

Animated  by  such  dispositions,  you  could  not  fail  to  receive 
with  gratitude  the  recent  manifestations  of  the  Pope's  judg- 
ment on  the  importance,  more  timely  than  ever  before,  of  the 
encyclical  Rerum  Novarum  The  Holy  Father  praises  you  un- 
reservedly for  having  understood  so  well  —  as  he  himself  said 
in  the  discourse  to  which  I  have  just  alluded  —  that  the  length 
of  time  already  elapsed  since  the  publication  of  this  document 
has  not  detracted  from  its  force,  nor  diminished  its  pertinence, 
and  that  on  the  contrary  the  very  series  of  events,  while  justify- 
ing the  sombre  colors  with  which  he  depicted  the  various 
classes  of  modern  society,  has  brought  out  in  still  more  strik- 
ing relief  the  fact  that  agreement  among  the  social  classes  can- 
not be  realized  save  by  the  triumph  of  justice  and  charity. 

If  then,  one  wishes  to  restore  to  society  the  balance  which 
seems  almost  everywhere  disturbed,  one  must,  more  than  ever, 
have  recourse  to  this  admirable  document  of  pontifical  wis- 
dom, in  which  are  recalled  the  rights  and  duties  of  each  one; 
rights  in  all  their  fulness  but  with  their  limits;  duties  insep- 
arable from  rights  and  like  them  shared  by  every  member  of 
the  human  famil3^  For  the  encyclical  Rerum  Novarum  does 
not  speak  only  of  the  rights  of  employers  or  only  of  the  duties 
of  workmen, —  His  Holiness,  Benedict  XV,  expressly  insists 
on  this, —  but  to  employers  it  is  therein  said  that  if  they  have 
rights,  they  must  not  forget  that  they  have  duties  which  bind 
them  strictly,  and  to  the  workman.  It  is  therein  said  that  if 
the  workers  must  fulfill  the  duties  proper  to  their  condition 
they  must  not  derive  from  them  a  feeling  of  discouragement 
as  if  they  also  had  no  rights.  There  is  no  one  who  does  not 
perceive  the  reasonableness  of  these  teachings;  it  were  in  fact 
a  proceeding  equally  harmful,  as  the  august  Pontiff  strongly 
expresses  it,  to  attribute  only  rights  to  the  various  classes  of 


LETTER  TO  M.  EUGENE  DUTHOIT  137 

society,  or  to  wisli  to  assign  to  them  duties  only.  "  Now," 
continues  the  Pope,  "  if  this  opportuneness  was  rightly  praised  at 
the  time  of  the  publication  of  the  encyclical,  Rerum  Novarum, 
it  seems  that  it  should  be  no  less  praised  in  our  day  when  the 
common  heritage  of  rights  and  of  duties  is  not  yet  generally 
accepted  as  an  inevitable  disposition  of  Divine  Providence." 

You  are  come,  Mr.  President,  to  repeat  to  the  Vicar  of  Jesus 
Christ  your  firm  resolve  and  that  of  all  your  colleagues,  to  be 
always  guided  by  his  teachings  in  all  the  lectures  of  your 
Semaines  Sociales  and  in  every  movement  which  emanates  there- 
from. The  Holy  Father  knows  that  in  receiving  from  you 
these  assurances  freely  offered  he  heard  the  very  echo  of  your 
souls,  and  that  he  can  count  on  them  in  -the  great  work  which 
the  charity  of  Christ  urges  him  to  accomplish  —  I  mean,  the 
practical  realization  through  the  ministry  of  the  Apostolic  See 
of  the  misereor  super  turbam  which  the  Heart  of  Our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  breathes  forth  in  presence  of  the  bewildered  human 
multitude.  Therefore  does  the  august  Pontiff  ask  Our  Divine 
Savior  to  bless  your  good-will,  to  fill  your  souls  with  a  zeal 
ever  purer  and  more  enlightened,  and  to  reward  your  fidelity 
to  the  Holy  See  by  the  growing  fruitfulness  of  your  social 
apostolate.  He  is  pleased  to  give  this  interpretation  to  the 
very  paternal  blessing  which  he  himself  grants  you  most  cor- 
dially, and  which  I  am  most  happy  to  transmit  to  you,  as  well 
as  to  the  organizers,  professors  and  members  of  the  Semaines 
Sociales  de  France. 

Devotedly  yours  in  Christ, 
PETER  CARDINAL  GASPARRL 


8.  LETTER  OF  POPE  BENEDICT  XV  TO  THE  RIGHT 
REVEREND  ALOYSIUS  MARY  MARELLI,  BISHOP 
OF  BERGAMO,  CONCERNING  PRESCRIPTIONS  OF 
THE  APOSTOLIC  SEE  ON  THE  SOCIAL  QUES^ 
TIONi 

Veneeable  Brother,  Health  and  Apostolic  Benediction. 
We,  being  accustomed  to  consider  our  dear  Bergamaschians 
v/ith  great  favor  on  account  of  their  high  repute  for  morals 
and  traditions  exemplarily  Christian,  have  heard  with  great 
pain  unfavorable  reports  concerning  certain  disturbances 
among  the  people  which  are  said  to  have  taken  place  there 
recently.  Of  course,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  enemy, 
who  has  long  been  pining  away  with  envy  at  the  fertility  of 
this  part  of  the  Lord's  field,  and  who  has  been  eagerly  awaiting 
the  opportunity  of  doing  it  harm,  should  have  made  use  of 
the  occasion  offered  by  these  most  unfortunate  times  to  over- 
sow this  joyful  and  fruitful  grain  with  tares.  But  since, 
indeed,  bad  seed  when  once  it  has  taken  root  can  choke  even 
the  good  grain,  we  must  by  every  means  in  our  power  check 
its  growth.  For  to  us  the  Lord  has  entrusted  the  care  of  this 
entire  mystical  field.  Accordingly,  we  appeal  to  you,  with  this 
letter,  not  that  we  have  any  doubts  of  your  pastoral  solicitude, 

1  This  letter  was  called  forth  by  the  violent  actions  and  revolutionary 
utterances  of  a  group  of  Catholic  laborers  and  members  of  the  Popular 
Party  (Catholic)  in  Bergamo.  The  former  attacked  the  factories  in  which 
they  were  employed  and  the  houses  of  the  factory  owners ;  the  latter  passed 
resolutions  in  favor  of  Russian  bolshevism,  and  the  socialization  of  land 
and  industries.  Two  priests  as  well  as  one  Catholic  member  of  the  Italian 
parliament,  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  meeting  at  which  these  reso- 
lutions were  adopted.  In  a  sense  this  letter  supplements  the  two  preceding 
documents  of  Pope  Benedict  on  the  social  question.  While  the  others  are 
devoted  mainly  to  the  subject  of  reforms,  the  present  statement  emphasizes 
the  necessity  of  employing  lawful  and  moderate  methods,  of  opposing  So- 
cialism, and  of  remembering  always  that  material  well  being  is  only  a 
means  to,  not  the  true  end  of,  human  life.  At  the  same  time,  the  Pope 
reaffirms  the  obligation  of  all  who  occupy  positions  of  influence,  especially 
the  clergy,  to  the  work  of  Christian  social  reform. 

138 


TO  REVEREND  ALOYSIUS  MARY  MARELLI      139 

of  which  you  have  given  public  proof  in  this  very  affair,  but 
because  we  deem  it  timely  to  exhort  our  beloved  children,  by 
means  of  you,  to  persevere  in  their  duty;  this  we  trust  they 
will  do  with  even  more  alacrity  when  they  see  that  your  author- 
ity has  the  backing  of  ours 

At  the  outset,  we  desire  that  all  should  know  that  we  approve 
completely  the  course  of  action  which  you  took,  when  at  the 
end  of  the  war,  as  all  were  returning  to  their  usual  occupations 
interrupted  by  the  war,  you,  hastening  to  the  assistance  of  the 
needy  and  having  employed  the  diocesan  Council,  established  a 
special  bureau  of  labor,  which  had  for  its  object  to  take  care  of 
the  interests  of  the  various  classes  of  workingmen.  An  excel- 
lent institution,  indeed,  and  exceedingly  profitable,  if  it  be 
managed  rightly,  -that  is,  according  to  the  dictates  of  religion ; 
otherwise,  it  is  abundantly  evident  of  how  much  disorder  it  may 
be  the  cause.  Therefore,  before  all  else  it  is  necessary  that 
those  who  are  in  charge  of  this  bureau  of  labor,  which  is 
closely  bound  up  with  the  common  welfare,  should  ever  have 
before  their  eyes  and  most  religiously  observe  the  principles 
of  social  science  inculcated  by  the  Holy  See  in  the  memorable 
Encyclical,  Eerum  Novarum,  and  in  other  documents.  Let 
them,  in  particular,  bear  in  mind  these  fundamental  points: 
to  no  one  is  it  given  to  he  perfectly  happy  in  this  brief  mortal 
life,  which  is  subject  to  misery  of  every  sort;  true,  absolute,  and 
everlasting  happiness,  as  the  reward  of  a  life  well-spent 
has  been  promised  us  in  heaven;  thither  we  must  direct  our 
gaze  in  all  our  actions ;  for  that  very  reason  we  must  not  be  so 
insistent  upon  demanding  our  rights  as  in  discharging  our 
obligations;  on  the  other  hand,  even  in  this  life  it  is  allowed 
us,  as  far  as  we  can,  to  better  our  condition,  and  seek  for 
ourselves  greater  comforts ;  but  for  promoting  the  common  weal 
nothing  is  of  greater  value  tlian  concord  and  harmony  among 
the  various  classes  of  society;  in  this  Christian  charity  is  the 
prime  mover. 

Let  them  see  how  badly  those  consult  for  the  interests  of  the 
working-man  who,  professing  to  have  as  their  program  to  amel- 
iorate his  condition,  try  simply  to  aid  him  in  securing  transient 
and  perishable  possessions,  and  not  only  fail  to  regulate  hia 


140  CHUECH  Ais^D  LABOR 

mind  by  warning  him  of  his  duties  as  a  Christian,  but  actually 
set  him  against  the  rich,  bringing  this  about  by  the  cogency 
and  bitterness  of  that  type  of  speech  by  means  of  which  our 
adversaries  have  been  wont  to  excite  the  masses  to  social  revo- 
lution. Towards  averting  so  great  a  calamity,  Venerable 
Brother,  it  shall  be  the  part  of  your  vigilant  solicitude  to 
warn,  as  you  have  already  begun  to  do,  all  those  who  are 
championing  the  cause  of  the  workingmen,  that,  avoiding  the 
intemperate  language  of  the  Socialists,  they  thoroughly  leaven 
their  undertaking  and  propaganda  with  the  Christian  spirit, 
without  which,  however  much  they  may  harm,  certainly  they 
cannot  help.  It  pleases  us  to  hope  that  all  will  be  guided  by 
you;  however,  should  any  one  refuse  to  heed  you,  you  will, 
without  hesitation,  remove  him  from  office. 

However,  towards  bringing  about  the  Christian  uplift  of  the 
lower  classes,  it  behooves  those  to  contribute  more  who  have 
been  furnished  -with  greater  means  by  Divine  favor  and  bounty. 
Thus,  let  those  who  are  raised  above  the  rest  either  in  social 
position  or  in  education  not  refuse  to  aid  the  workman  by  their 
advice,  prestige  and  authority,  by  fostering  particularly  those 
various  institutions  which  have  been  providentially  established 
for  his  advantage.  Let  those  who  abound  in  riches  be  unwilling 
to  demand  their  rights  from  the  proletariat  according  to  the 
strict  interpretation  of  law,  but  rather  let  them  be  guided  by 
the  norm  of  equity.  Nay,  we  earnestly  exhort  that  in  this 
matter  they  act  even  indulgently,  generously  and  liberally,  giv- 
ing way  and  relaxing  as  much  as  they  can,  in  their  demands. 
What  St.  Paul  says  to  Timothy  is  appropriate  here :  "  Charge 
the  rich  of  this  world  ...  to  give  easily,  to  communicate  to 
others."  * 

In  this  way,  they  will  gradually  win  back  the  affections  of 
the  poor,  whom  the  consciousness  of  their  avarice  had 
estranged.  Moreover,  let  those  who  belong  to  a  lower  rank  of 
society  or  who  are  poor  be  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  dis- 
tinction of  social  classes  springs  from  nature,  and  in  the  la?t 
analysis  is  to  be  traced  back  to  the  will  of  God,  quoniam  piisil- 
lum  et  magnum  ipse  fecit  ^  and  this  works  most  aptly  both  for 

iTim.  vi,  17-18.  2  Wis.,  vi,  8. 


TO  KEVEREND  ALOYSIUS  MARY  MARELLI      141 

the  good  of  the  individual  and  of  the  community.  Let  them 
also  be  persuaded  that,  however  much  they  have  done  towards 
bettering  their  condition  by  their  own  industry  and  with  the 
help  of  the  good,  there  shall  ever  be  left  for  them,  as  for  others, 
not  a  little  to  suffer.  Therefore,  if  they  are  wise,  they  will 
not  strive  in  vain  to  realize  the  unattainable,  but  will  rather 
strive  peacefully  and  courageously  to  bear  those  evils  which 
they  cannot  escape,  having  the  hope  of  eternal  possessions  ever 
in  view. 

Accordingly,  we  implore  and  beseech  the  Bergamaschians  by 
their  signal  devotion  and  esteem  for  this  Holy  See  not  to  suffer 
themselves  to  be  deceived  by  the  trickery  of  those  who  with 
certain  wonderful  promises  endeavor  to  tear  them  from  their 
ancestral  faith,  that  in  turn  they  may  drive  them  on  to  violence 
and  social  revolution.  Not  by  employing  violence  or  by  greatly 
menacing  the  social  order  is  the  cause  of  justice  and  truth 
served,  for  these  are  arms  that  badly  wound  those,  first  of  all, 
who  use  them. 

iN'ow  it  is  the  duty  of  priests  and  particularly  of  pastors  to 
combat  vigorously  such  pernicious  enemies  of  Catholic  and  civil 
society,  with  united  effort  among  themselves,  and  cooperating 
zealously  under  your  leadership.  Venerable  Brother.  Let  no 
one  of  these  think  that  there  is  question  here  of  an  activity 
which  is  foreign  to  the  sacred  ministry  because  it  has  to  do 
with  economics ;  for  in  this  very  social  question  the  eternal  sal- 
vation of  souls  is  imperilled.  Wherefore  we  desire  that  they 
count  among  their  duties  to  apply  themselves  as  much  as  they 
can,  in  their  studies  and  by  their  vigilance  and  activities,  to  the 
theory  and  practice  of  social  science,  and  that  they  aid  with  all 
their  resources  those  who  were  engaged  in  our  organizations. 
At  the  same  time,  let  them  diligently  teach  those  entrusted  to 
their  care  the  laws  of  Christian  life  and  both  apprise  them  of 
the  snares  of  the  Socialists  and  promote  everything  that  may 
tend  to  their  economic  betterment,  reminding  them  always,  how- 
ever, of  what  the  Church  prays  for :  that  we  may  so  pass  through 
temporal  goods  as  not  to  lose  the  eternal. 

In  the  meantime,  we  shall  not  cease  to  implore  the  divine 
goodness  for  favors  in  your  behalf;  as  a  pledge  of  which  and 


142  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

as  a  sign  of  our  particular  goodwill,  we  most  lovingly  impart, 
\''enerable  Brother,  the  Apostolic  Benediction  to  you  and  to 
jour  people. 

Given  at  Rome  on  the  11th  day  of  March  in  the  year  1920 
and  the  6th  of  our  pontificate. 

BENEDICT  XV,  Pope. 


Ill    rOUR  CARDINALS 

1.  Memorial  Presented  to  the  Holy  See  on  the  Knights  of 

Labor  by  His  Eminence,  James  Cardinal  Gibbons. 

2.  Review  of  Pope  Leo's  Encyclical  on  the  Condition  of  Labor, 

by  His  Eminence,   Henry  Edward   Cardinal  Manning. 

3.  Pastoral  Letter  on  the  Laborer's  Rights,  by  His  Eminence, 

William  Cardinal  O'Connell. 

4.  Pastoral  Letter  on  Catholics  and  Social  Reform,  by  His 

Eminence,  Francis  Cardinal  Bourne. 


1.  MEMOEIAL  PRESENTED  TO  THE  HOLY  SEE  BY 
CARDINAL  GIBBONS  ON  THE  KNIGHTS  OF 
LABOR  1 

Prefatory  Note 

A  FEW  words  ol  explanation  will  be  necessary  that  the  reader 
may  understand  the  causes  which  led  up  to  my  presenting  the 
following  document  to  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Propa- 
ganda. 

Ever  since  the  Reformation  the  democratic  and  co-operative 
institutions  of  medieval  Europe  have  been  upon  their  death- 
bed. In  the  year  1500  most  Englishmen,  for  instance,  owned 
their  own  homes,  but  by  1600  between  two-thirds  and  three- 
fourths  only  were  still  in  possession  of  their  o^vn  lands.  By 
1700  one-half  still  had  the  economic  buttress  of  a  home  be- 
hind them;  but  by  the  year  1900  less  than  one-tenth  of  the 
population  possessed  all  the  land  of  the  country. 

And  what  is  true  of  real  property  is  true  also  of  the  means 
of  production.  Trade  and  business  in  the  middle  ages  were 
conducted  on  the  principles  of  mutual  help  and  assistance,  and 
unlimited  competition  was  never  thought  of.  But  with  the 
breaking  down  of  the  corporate  feeling  of  united  Christendom, 
methods  of  business  were  introduced  which  would  have  seemed 
deeply  immoral  100  years  before. 

The  discovery  of  the  New  World  with  its  abounding  riches 
and  consequent  opportunities  for  exploitation  was  another  factor 
which  greatly  increased  the  evil.  But  what  brought  these  eco- 
nomic evils  to  a  head  was  the  invention  of  machinery  in  the 
last  half  of  the  eighteenth  and  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

1  From  A  Retrospect  of  Fifty  Tears,  by  James  Cardinal  Gibbons.  Pub- 
lished by  John  Murphy  Company,  Baltimore.  The  kind  permission  of  the 
publisher  to  include  this  matter  in  this  volume  is  gratefully  acknowledged. 

145 


146  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

Those  who  live  in  these  days  cannot  conceive  the  state  of 
society  in  the  seventies  and  the  eighties.  The  money  of  the 
country  was  not  only  concentrated  into  the  hands  of  a  very  few 
people,  but  by  means  of  this  money  this  small  oligarchy  was 
put  in  the  position  of  getting  complete  control  of  our  free 
institutions.  The  mass  of  people  dispossessed  of  land  and  of 
the  means  of  production,  and  retaining  only  a  figment  of 
political  power,  were  by  no  means  satisfied  with  this  arrange- 
ment. All  the  more  so,  as  large  numbers  of  the  working  people, 
that  is  to  say  the  dispossessed,  were  members  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  among  Roman  Catholics  there  is  and  must  always 
be  a  memory  of  a  better  tradition  which  preserved  to  every 
man  as  much  individual  liberty  as  was  compatible  with  the 
rights  of  his  fellow  men. 

Accordingly  numerous  societies  for  the  protection  of  the 
working-man  rose  during  the  administration  of  President 
Cleveland  —  societies  to  which  working  people  began  to  ad- 
here more  and  more  steadfastly  as  their  only  protection  from 
economic  slavery,  but  which  were  vehemently  attacked  upon 
the  other  side  as  destructive,  revolutionary  and  even  anarchic; 
and  indeed  the  oppression  of  the  wealthy  was  driving  the  poor 
into  excesses  of  which  the  anarchist  riots  of  Chicago  were  but 
one  example. 

These  societies  could  not  long  escape  the  wise  oversight  of 
the  Church,  and  it  was  a  foregone  conclusion  that  in  a  few 
years  the  principle  of  such  organizations  of  working  people 
must  either  be  approved  or  condemned.  On  the  one  hand,  great 
numbers  of  Ecclesiastics  were  alarmed  at  the  revolutionary 
principles  which  undoubtedly  disgraced  some  members  of  the 
trade  unions;  the  more  so,  as  many  of  them  were  at  least 
nominally  secret  societies.  So  great  was  this  alarm  in  Canada 
that  the  Canadian  Bishops  obtained  from  the  Holy  See  a  con- 
demnation of  the  Knights  of  Labor  for  Canada.  But  if  many 
Bishops  were  alarmed  at  what  they  considered  the  revolutionary 
tendencies  of  these  associations,  many  other  Bishops,  including 
Cardinal  Manning  and  myself,  were  equally  alarmed  at  the 
prospect  of  the  Church  being  presented  before  our  age  as  the 
friend  of  the  powerful  rich  and  the  enemy  of  the  helpless 


MEMORIAL  TO  THE  HOLY  SEE  147 

poor;  for  not  only  would  such  an  alliance  or  even  apparent 
alliance,  have  done  the  Church  untold  harm,  but  it  would  have 
been  the  bouleversement  of  our  whole  history.  Moreover,  to 
us  it  seemed  that  such  a  thing  could  never  take  place.  The 
one  body  in  the  world  which  had  been  the  protector  of  the 
poor  and  the  weak  for  nearly  1800  years,  could  not  possibly 
desert  these  same  classes  in  their  hour  of  need. 

It  was  under  such  circumstances  that  I  consulted  with  Mr. 
Cleveland,  President  of  the  United  States,  and  Mr.  Powderly, 
who  was  head  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and  at  a  meeting  of 
the  Archbishops  of  the  country  I  asked  Mr.  Powderly  to  tell 
their  Graces  exactly  what  the  obligation  of  secrecy  consisted 
in.  This  he  very  kindly  consented  to  do,  and  he  showed  us 
plainly  on  that  occasion,  first,  that  secrecy  was  only  enjoined 
upon  the  members  by  a  simple  pledge,  and  not  by  an  oath; 
secondly,  that  this  secrecy  was  only  approved  by  the  society 
of  the  Knights  of  Labor  in  so  far  as  it  was  necessary  to  pro- 
tect their  business  from  enemies,  thirdly;  that  there  was  noth- 
ing in  the  obligation  of  secrecy  which  would  prevent  any  indi- 
vidual manifesting  his  conscience  in  the  tribunal  of  Penance 
privately,  or  which  would  prevent  the  heads  of  the  order  from 
giving  the  necessary  assurances  and  manifesting  ever^^thing  to 
competent  ecclesiastical  authority  even  outside  of  confession. 

Only  two  out  of  the  twelve  Archbishops  were  for  condemna- 
tion ;  the  rest  agreed  with  me  that  we  must  do  all  in  our  power 
to  prevent  any  such  condemnation  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  in 
our  own  country,  as  would  drive  them  into  the  camp  of  revolu- 
tion. 

Accordingly  when  I  sailed  for  Europe  in  1887  to  receive  the 
Cardinal's  Hat  it  was  part  of  my  mission  to  present  the  plea  of 
organized  labor,  which  I  did  by  presenting  the  following  docu- 
ment to  the  Cardinal  Prefect  of  Propaganda.  I  cannot  say 
that  the  task  which  I  had  imposed  upon  myself  was  an  easy 
one,  but  I  am  thankful  to  say  that  it  proved  not  an  impossible 
one,  and  that  the  Knights  of  Labor  in  the  United  States  were 
not  condemned. 

It  was  a  great  consolation  to  me  when  a  few  years  after- 
ward the  late  Pontiif,  Leo  XIII,  annunciated  the  principles 


148  CHUECH  AND  LABOE 

which  underlie  the   Church's  moral  teaching  with  regard   to 
economics,  in  his  famous  Encyclical  Rerum  Novarum.^ 

THE  MEMORIAL 

"  To  His  Eminence  Cardinal  Simeoni,  Prefect  of  the  Sacred 
Congregation  of  the  Propaganda: 

"  Your  Eminence  —  In  submitting  to  the  Holy  See  the  con- 
clusions which,  after  several  months  of  attentive  observation 
and  reflection,  seem  to  me  to  sum  up  the  truth  concerning  the 
association  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  I  feel  profoundly  convinced 
of  the  vast  importance  of  the  consequences  attaching  to  this 
question,  which  is  but  a  link  in  the  great  chain  of  the  social 
problems  of  our  day,  and  especially  of  our  country. 

"  In  treating  this  question  I  have  been  very  careful  to  follow 
as  my  constant  guide  the  spirit  of  the  encyclical  letters,  in 
which  our  Holy  Father  Leo  XIII  has  so  admirably  set  forth 
the  dangers  of  our  times  and  their  remedies,  as  well  as  the 
principles  by  which  we  are  to  recognize  associations  condemned 
by  the  Holy  See.  Such  was  also  the  guide  of  the  Third 
Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  in  its  teachings  concerning  the 
principles  to  be  followed  and  the  dangers  to  be  shunned  by 
the  faithful  either  in  the  choice  or  in  the  establishment  of  those 
various  forms  of  association  toward  which  the  spirit  of  our 
popular  institutions  so  strongly  impels  them.  And,  consider- 
ing the  evil  consequences  that  might  result  from  a  mistake  in 
the  treatment  of  organizations  which  often  count  their  members 
by  thousands  and  hundreds  of  thousands,  the  council  wisely 
ordained  (n.  225)  that,  when  an  association  is  spread  over 
several  dioceses,  not  even  the  bishop  of  one  of  these  dioceses 
shall  condemn  it,  but  shall  refer  the  case  to  a  standing  com- 
mittee consisting  of  all  the  archbishops  of  the  United  States; 
and  even  these  are  not  authorized  to  condemn,  unless  their 
sentence  be  unanimous;  and  in  case  they  fail  to  agree  unani- 
mously, then  only  the  supreme  tribunal  of  the  Holy  See  can 

2  In  preparing  this  Memorial,  I  gratefully  acknowledge  the  valuable  aid 
of  the  venerable  Archbishop  Ireland,  of  St.  Paul,  and  of  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop 
Keane,  who  were  then  in  Rome. 


MEMOKIAL  TO  THE  HOLY  SEE  149 

impose  a  condemnation:  all  this  in  order  to  avoid  error  and 
confusion  of  discipline. 

"  This  committee  of  archbishops  held  a  meeting  towards  the 
end  of  last  October,  at  which  the  association  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor  was  specially  considered.  To  this  we  were  not  im- 
pelled by  the  request  of  any  of  our  bishops,  for  none  of  them 
had  asked  it;  and  I  must  add  that  among  all  the  bishops  we 
know  of  but  two  or  three  who  desire  the  condemnation.  But 
our  reason  was  the  importance  attached  to  the  question  by  the 
Holy  See  itself,  and  this  led  us  to  examine  it  with  all  possible 
care.  After  our  deliberations,  the  result  of  which  has  already 
been  communicated  to  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Propa- 
ganda, only  two  out  of  the  twelve  archbishops  voted  for  con- 
demnation, and  their  reasons  were  powerless  to  convince  the 
others  of  either  the  justice  or  the  prudence  of  such  condemna- 
tion. 

"  In  the  following  considerations  I  wish  to  state  in  detail  the 
reasons  which  determined  the  vote  of  the  great  majority  of  the 
committee  —  reasons  whose  truth  and  force  seem  to  me  all 
the  more  evident  after  this  lapse  of  time;  nor  will  I  fail  to  do 
justice  to  the  arguments  advanced  on  the  other  side :  " 

[Here  follows  a  brief  description  of  the  main  features  of  the 
society:  no  oath  taken  in  the  initiation;  only  a  qualified  se- 
crecy in  the  deliberations ;  no  promise  of  blind  obedience ;  no 
hostility  to  religion,  nor  to  the  authority  and  laws  of  the 
country.  After  a  short  statement  of  the  grievous  social  evils 
which  the  Knights  of  Labor  sought  to  abolish,  and  of  the 
necessity  of  organization  for  that  purpose.  His  Eminence  con- 
tinues] : 

"  4.  Let  us  now  consider  the  objections  made  against  this 
iort  of  organization. 

"  (a)  It  is  objected  that  in  such  organizations.  Catholics 
are  mixed  with  Protestants,  to  the  peril  of  their  faith. 
Naturally,  yes ;  they  are  mixed  with  Protestants  at  their  work ; 
for,  in  a  mixed  people  like  ours  the  separation  of  religious 
creeds  in  civil  affairs  is  an  impossibility.  But  to  suppose 
that  the  faith  of  our  Catholics  suffers  thereby  is  not  to  know 
the  Catholic  working  men  of  America,  who  are  not  like  the 


150  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

working  men  of  so  many  European  countries  —  misguided 
children,  estranged  from  their  Mother,  the  Church,  and  regard- 
ing her  with  suspicion  and  dread  —  but  intelligent,  well-in- 
structed and  devoted  Catholics,  ready  to  give  their  blood,  if 
necessary,  as  they  continually  give  their  hard-earned  means, 
for  her  support  and  protection.  And,  in  fact,  it  is  not  here 
a  question  of  Catholics  mixed  with  Protestants,  but  rather 
that  Protestants  are  admitted  to  share  in  the  advantages  of  an 
association,  many  of  whose  members  and  officers  are  Catholics; 
and,  in  a  country  like  ours,  their  exclusion  would  be  simply 
impossible. 

"  (b)  But  it  is  asked,  instead  of  such  an  organization,  could 
there  not  be  confraternities,  in  which  the  working  men  would 
be  united  under  the  direction  of  the  clergy  and  the  influence 
of  religion  ?  I  answer  frankly  that  I  do  not  consider  this 
either  possible  or  necessary  in  our  country.  I  sincerely  ad- 
mire the  efforts  of  this  sort  which  are  made  in  countries  where 
the  working  people  are  led  astray  by  the  enemies  of  religion, 
but,  thanks  be  to  God,  that  is  not  our  condition.  We  find  that 
in  our  country  the  presence  and  direct  influence  of  the  clergy 
would  not  be  advisable  where  our  citizens,  without  distinction 
of  religious  belief,  come  together  in  regard  to  their  industrial 
interests  alone.  Short  of  that  we  have  abundant  means  for 
making  our  working  people  faithful  Catholics,  and  simple  good 
sense  advises  us  not  to  so  io  pxtremes. 

"  (c)  Again,  it  Is  objected  that,  in  such  organizations, 
Catholics  are  exposed  to  the  evil  influences  of  the  most  danger- 
ous associates,  even  of  atheists,  communists  and  anarchists. 
That  is  true,  but  it  is  one  of  those  trials  of  faith  which  our 
brave  American  Catholics  are  accustomed  to  meet  almost  daily, 
and  which  they  know  how  to  face  with  good  sense  and  firmness. 
The  press  of  our  country  tells  us,  and  the  president  of  the 
Knights  has  related  to  us,  how  these  violent,  aggressive  elements 
have  endeavored  to  control  the  association,  or  to  inject  poison 
into  it  principles ;  but  they  also  inform  us  with  what  determina- 
tion these  machinators  have  been  repulsed  and  beaten. 

"  The  presence  among  our  citizens  of  those  dangerous  social 
elements,  which  have  mostly  come  from  certain  countries  of 


MEMORIAL  TO  THE  HOLY  SEE  151 

Europe,  is  assuredly  for  us  an  occasion  of  great  regret  and  of 
vigilant  precautions;  it  is  a  fact,  however,  which  we  have  to 
accept,  but  which  the  close  union  between  the  Church  and  her 
children  that  exists  in  our  country  renders  comparatively  free 
from  danger.  In  truth,  the  only  thing  from  which  we  would 
fear  serious  danger  would  be  a  cooling  of  this  relationship 
between  the  Church  and  her  children,  and  I  know  nothing  that 
would  be  more  likely  to  occasion  it  than  imprudent  condemna- 
tions. 

"(d)  A  specially  weighty  charge  is  drawn  from  the  out- 
bursts of  violence,  even  to  bloodshed,  which  have  accompanied 
several  of  the  strikes  inaugurated  by  labor  organizations.  Con- 
cerning this,  three  things  are  to  be  remarked  —  first,  strikes 
are  not  an  invention  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  but  a  means 
almost  everywhere  and  always  resorted  to  by  the  working  classes 
to  protect  themselves  against  what  they  consider  injustice,  and 
in  assertion  of  what  they  believe  to  be  their  just  rights ;  secondly, 
in  such  a  struggle  of  the  poor  and  indignant  multitudes  against 
hard  and  obstinate  monopoly,  outbursts  of  anger  are  almost  as 
inevitable  as  they  are  greatly  to  be  regretted ;  thirdly,  the  laws 
and  the  chief  authorities  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  far  from 
encouraging  violence  or  the  occasions  of  it,  exercise  a  powerful 
influence  to  hinder  it,  and  to  retain  strikes  within  the  limits 
of  good  order  and  of  legitimate  action. 

"  A  careful  examination  of  the  acts  of  violence  accompany- 
ing the  struggle  between  capital  and  labor  last  year  leaves  us 
convinced  that  it  would  be  unjust  to  attribute  them  to  the  asso- 
ciation of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  for  this  association  was  but 
one  among  the  numerous  labor  organizations  that  took  part 
in  the  strikes,  and  their  chief  officers  used  every  possible  effort, 
as  disinterested  witnesses  testify,  to  appease  the  anger  of  the 
multitudes,  and  to  hinder  the  excesses  which,  therefore,  in  my 
judgment,  could  not  justly  be  attributed  to  them.  Doubtless, 
among  the  Knights  of  Labor,  as  among  the  thousands  of  other 
workingmen,  there  are  to  be  found  passionate  or  even  wicked 
men  who  have  committed  inexcusable  deeds  of  violence,  and 
have  instigated  their  associates  to  the  same,  but  to  attribute 
this  to  the  association  would,  it  seems  to  me,  be  as  unreasonable 


152  CHURCH  AND  LAEOR 

as  to  attribute  to  the  Church  the  follies  or  the  crimes  of  her 
children  against  which  she  strives  and  protests. 

"  I  repeat  that,  in  such  a  struggle  of  the  great  masses  of  the 
people  against  the  mail-clad  power  which,  as  it  is  acknowledged, 
often  refuses  them  the  simple  rights  of  humanity  and  justice, 
it  is  vain  to  expect  that  every  error  and  every  act  of  violence 
can  be  avoided ;  and  to  dream  that  this  struggle  can  be  hindered, 
or  that  we  can  deter  the  multitudes  from  organizing,  which  is 
their  only  hope  of  success;  would  be  to  ignore  the  nature  and 
forces  of  human  society  in  times  like  ours.  Christian  prudence 
evidently  counsels  us  to  hold  the  hearts  of  the  multitudes  by 
the  bonds  of  love,  in  order  to  control  their  actions  by  the  prin- 
ciples of  faith,  justice  and  charity,  to  acknowledge  frankly 
what  is  true  and  just  in  their  cause,  in  order  to  deter  them 
from  what  is  false  and  criminal,  and  thus  to  turn  into  a  legiti- 
mate, peaceable  and  beneficent  contest  that  might  easily,  by 
a  course  of  repulsive  severity,  become  for  the  masses  of  our 
people  a  dread  volcanic  force  like  unto  that  which  society  fears 
and  the  Church  deplores  in  Europe. 

"  Upon  this  point  I  insist  strongly,  because,  from  an  intimate 
acquaintance  with  the  social  conditions  of  our  country  I  am 
profoundly  convinced  that  here  we  are  touching  upon  a  subject 
which  not  only  concerns  the  rights  of  the  working  classes,  who 
ought  to  be  especially  dear  to  the  Church  which  our  Lord  sent 
forth  to  preach  His  Gospel  to  the  poor,  but  with  which  are 
intimately  bound  up  the  fundamental  interests  of  the  Church 
and  of  human  society  for  the  future.  This  is  a  point  which  I 
desire,  in  a  few  additional  words,  to  develop  more  clearly. 

"  5.  Whoever  meditates  upon  the  ways  in  which  divine 
Providence  is  guiding  mankind  in  our  days  cannot  fail  to  re- 
mark how  important  is  the  part  which  the  power  of  the  people 
takes  in  shaping  the  events  of  the  present,  and  which  it  is 
evidently  destined  to  take  in  molding  the  destinies  of  the  future. 
We,  behold,  with  profound  regret,  the  efforts  of  the  prince  of 
darkness  to  make  this  power  dangerous  to  the  social  weal  by 
withdrawing  the  masses  of  the  people  from  the  influence  of 
religion,  and  impelling  them  towards  the  ruinous  paths  of 
license  and  anarchy.     Hitherto  our  country  has  presented  a 


MEMOEIAL  TO  THE  HOLY  SEE  153 

spectacle  of  a  most  consoling  different  character  —  that  of  a 
popular  power  regulated  by  love  of  good  order,  respect  for  re- 
ligion, by  obedience  to  the  authority  of  the  laws,  not  a  democracy 
of  license  and  violence,  but  that  true  democracy  which  aims  at 
the  general  prosperity  through  the  means  of  sound  principles 
and  good  social  order. 

"  In  order  to  preserve  so  desirable  a  state  of  things  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  that  religion  should  continue  to  possess  the 
affections,  and  thus  rule  the  conduct  of  the  multitudes.  As 
Cardinal  Manning  has  well  written,  '  A  new  task  is  before  us. 
The  Church  has  no  longer  to  deal  with  Parliaments  and  princes, 
but  with  the  masses  and  with  the  people.  Whether  we  will  or 
no  this  is  our  work;  we  need  a  new  spirit  and  a  new  law  of  life.' 
To  lose  influence  over  the  people  would  be  to  lose  the  future 
altogether;  and  it  is  by  the  heart,  far  more  than  by  the  under- 
standing, that  we  must  hold  and  guide  this  immense  power,  so 
mighty  either  for  good  or  for  evil. 

"  Among  all  the  glorious  titles  which  the  Church's  history 
has  deserved  for  her,  there  is  not  one  which  at  present  gives  her 
so  great  influence  as  that  of  '  Friend  of  the  People.'  Assuredly, 
in  our  democratic  country,  it  is  this  title  which  wins  for  the 
Catholic  Church  not  only  the  enthusiastic  devotedness  of  the 
millions  of  her  children,  but  also  the  respect  and  admiration 
of  all  our  citizens,  whatever  be  their  religious  belief.  It  is 
the  power  of  this  title  which  renders  persecution  almost  an 
impossibility,  and  which  draws  towards  our  Holy  Church  the 
great  heart  of  the  American  people. 

"  And  since  it  is  acknowledged  by  all  that  the  great  questions 
of  the  future  are  not  those  of  war,  of  commerce  or  finance,  but 
the  social  questions  —  the  questions  which  concern  the  improve- 
ment of  the  condition  of  the  great  popular  masses,  and  especially 
of  the  working  people  —  it  is  evidently  of  supreme  importance 
that  the  Church  should  always  be  found  on  the  side  of  humanity 
—  of  justice  towards  the  multitudes  who  compose  the  body  of 
the  human  family.  As  the  same  Cardinal  Manning  has  wisely 
^vritten,  '  I  know  I  am  treading  on  a  very  difficult  subject,  but 
T  feel  confident  of  this,  that  we  must  face  it,  and  that  we  must 
face  it  calmly,  justly,  and  with  a  willingness  to  put  labor  and 


154  CHimCH  AND  LABOR 

the  profits  of  labor  second  —  the  moral  state  and  domestic  life 
of  the  whole  working  population  first.  I  will  not  venture  to 
draw  up  such  an  act  of  Parliament  further  than  to  lay  down 
this  principle.  These  things  (the  present  condition  of  the  poor 
in  England)  cannot  go  on;  these  things  ought  not  to  go  on. 
The  accumulation  of  wealth  in  the  land,  the  piling  up  of  wealth 
like  mountains,  in  the  possession  of  classes  or  individuals,  can- 
not go  on.  No  commonwealth  can  rest  on  such  foundations.' 
(Miscellanies,  Vol.  2,  p.  81). 

"  In  our  country,  above  all,  this  social  amelioration  is  the 
inevitable  programme  of  the  future,  and  the  position  which  the 
Church  should  hold  towards  it  is  surely  obvious.  She  can  cer- 
tainly not  favor  the  extremes  to  which  the  poor  multitudes  are 
naturally  inclined  but,  I  repeat,  she  must  withhold  them  from 
these  extremes  by  the  bonds  of  affection,  by  the  maternal  desire 
which  she  will  manifest  for  the  concession  of  all  that  is  just 
and  reasonable  in  their  demands,  and  by  the  maternal  bless- 
ing which  she  will  bestow  upon  every  legitimate  means  for 
improving  the  condition  of  the  people. 

"  6.  Now  let  us  consider  for  a  moment  the  consequences 
which  would  inevitably  follow  from  a  contrary  course  —  from 
a  course  of  want  of  sympathy  for  the  working  class,  of  suspicion 
for  their  aims,  of  ready  condemnation  for  their  methods. 

"  (a)  First,  there  would  be  the  evident  danger  of  the 
Church's  losing  in  popular  estimation,  her  right  to  be  considered 
the  friend  of  the  people.  The  logic  of  the  popular  heart  goes 
swiftly  to  its  conclusions,  and  this  conclusion  would  be  most 
pernicious  both  for  the  people  and  for  the  Church.  To  lose  the 
heart  of  the  people  would  be  a  misfortune  for  which  the  friend- 
ship of  the  few  rich  and  powerful  would  be  no  compensation. 

"  (b)  There  would  be  a  great  danger  of  rendering  hostile 
to  the  Church  the  political  power  of  our  country,  which  has 
openly  taken  sides  with  the  millions  who  are  demanding  justice 
and  the  improvement  of  their  condition.  The  accusation  of 
being  un-American  —  that  is  to  say,  alien  to  our  national  spirit 
—  is  the  most  powerful  weapon  which  the  enemies  of  the  Church 
can  employ  against  her.  It  was  this  cry  which  aroused  the 
Know-Nothing  persecution  thirty  years  ago,  and  the  same  would 


MEMORIAL  TO  THE  HOLY  SEE  155 

be  used  a^ain  if  the  opportunity  offered.  To  appreciate  the 
gravity  of  this  danger  it  is  well  to  remark  that  not  only  are  the 
rights  of  the  working  classes  loudly  proclaimed  by  each  of  our 
two  great  political  parties,  but  it  is  not  improbable  that,  in  our 
approaching  national  elections  there  will  be  a  candidate  for  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States  as  the  special  repre- 
sentative of  the  popular  complaints  and  demands. 

"  Now,  to  seek  to  crush  by  an  ecclesiastical  condemnation  an 
organization  which  represents  more  than  500,000  votes,  and 
■which  has  already  so  respectable  and  so  universally  recognized 
a  place  in  the  political  arena,  would,  to  speak  frankly,  be 
considered  by  the  American  people  as  not  less  ridiculous  than 
rash.  To  alienate  from  ourselves  the  friendship  of  the  people 
would  be  to  run  great  risk  of  losing  the  respect  which  the 
Church  has  won  in  the  estimation  of  the  American  nation,  and 
of  forfeiting  the  peace  and  prosperity  which  form  so  admirable 
a  contrast  with  her  condition  in  some  so-called  Catholic  coun- 
tries. Angry  utterances  have  not  been  wanting  of  late,  and 
it  is  well  that  we  should  act  prudently. 

"  (e)  A  third  danger  —  and  the  one  which  most  keenly 
touches  our  hearts  —  is  the  risk  of  losing  the  love  of  the  children 
of  the  Church,  and  of  pushing  them  into  an  attitude  of  resis- 
tance against  their  Mother.  The  world  presents  no  more  beau- 
tiful spectacle  than  that  of  their  filial  devotion  and  obedience; 
but  it  is  well  to  recognize  that,  in  our  age  and  in  our  country, 
obedience  cannot  be  blind.  We  would  greatly  deceive  ourselves 
if  we  expected  it.  Our  Catholic  working  men  sincerely  be- 
lieve that  they  are  only  seeking  justice,  and  seeking  it  by  legiti- 
mate means.  A  condemnation  would  be  considered  both  false 
and  unjust,  and,  therefore,  not  binding.  We  might  preach  to 
them  submission  and  confidence  in  the  Church's  judgment,  but 
these  good  dispositions  could  hardly  go  so  far.  They  love  the 
Church,  and  they  wish  to  save  their  souls,  but  they  must  also 
earn  their  living,  and  labor  is  now  so  organized  that  without 
belonging  to  the  organization  it  is  almost  impossible  to  earn 
one's  living. 

"Behold,  then,  the  consequences  to  be  feared.     Thousands 
of  the  Church's  most  devoted  children,  whose  affection  is  her 


156  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

greatest  comfort,  and  whose  free  offerings  are  her  chief  support, 
would  consider  themselves  repulsed  by  their  Mother,  and  would 
live  without  practising  their  religion.  Catholics  who  have 
hitherto  shunned  the  secret  societies,  would  be  sorely  tempted 
to  join  their  ranks.  The  Holy  See,  which  has  constantly  re- 
ceived from  the  Catholics  of  America  proofs  of  almost  un- 
paralleled devotedness,  would  be  considered  not  as  a  paternal 
authority,  but  as  a  harsh  and  unjust  power.  Surely  these  aro 
consequences  which  wisdom  and  prudence  counsel  us  to  avoid. 

"  7.  But,  besides  the  dangers  that  would  result  from  such  a 
condemnation,  and  the  impracticability  of  putting  it  into  effect,  it 
is  also  very  important  that  we  should  carefully  consider  an- 
other reason  against  condemnation,  arising  from  the  unstable 
and  transient  character  of  the  organization  in  question.  It  is 
frequently  remarked  by  the  press  and  by  attentive  observers 
that  this  special  form  of  association  has  in  it  so  little  perma- 
nence that,  in  its  present  shape,  it  is  not  likely  to  last  many 
years.  Whence  it  follows  that  it  is  not  necessary,  even  if  it 
were  just  and  prudent,  to  level  the  condemnations  of  the  Church 
solely  against  so  evanescent  an  object.  The  social  agitation 
itself  will,  indeed,  last  as  long  as  there  are  social  evils  to  be 
remedied ;  but  the  forms  of  organization  meant  for  the  attain- 
ment of  this  end  are  naturally  provisional  and  short-lived. 
They  are  also  very  numerous,  for  I  have  already  remarked  that 
the  Knights  of  Labor  is  only  one  among  many  labor  organiza- 
tions. 

"  To  strike,  then,  at  one  of  these  forms  would  be  to  commence 
a  war  without  system  and  without  end;  it  would  be  to  exhaust 
the  forces  of  the  Church  in  chasing  a  crowd  of  changing  and 
uncertain  spectres.  The  American  people  behold  with  perfect 
composure  and  confidence  the  progress  of  our  social  contest, 
and  have  not  the  least  fear  of  not  being  able  to  protect  them- 
selves against  any  excesses  or  dangers  that  may  occasionally 
arise.  Hence,  to  speak  with  the  most  profound  respect,  but 
also  with  the  frankness  which  duty  requires  of  me,  it  seems 
to  me  that  prudence  suggests,  and  that  even  the  dignity  of  the 
Church  demands  that  we  should  not  offer  to  America  an  ecclesi- 


MEMORIAL  TO  THE  HOLY  SEE  157 

astical  protection  for  which  she  does  not  ask,  and  of  which  she 
believes  she  has  no  need. 

"  8.  In  all  this  discussion  I  have  not  at  all  spoken  of  Canada, 
nor  of  the  condemnation  concerning  the  Knights  of  Labor  in 
Canada ;  for  we  would  consider  it  an  impertinence  on  our  part 
to  meddle  with  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  another  country 
which  has  an  hierarchy  of  its  own,  and  with  whose  social  con- 
ditions we  do  not  pretend  to  be  acquainted.  We  believe,  how- 
ever, that  the  circumstances  of  a  people  almost  entirely  Catholic, 
as  in  lower  Canada,  must  be  very  different  from  those  of  a 
mixed  population  like  ours;  moreover,  that  the  documents  sub- 
mitted to  the  Holy  Office  are  not  the  present  constitution  of 
the  organization  in  our  country,  and  that  we,  therefore,  ask 
nothing  involving  an  inconsistency  on  the  part  of  the  Holy  See, 
which  passed  sentence  Jocaliter  et  juxta  exposita. 

"It  is  of  the  United  States  that  we  speak,  and  we  trust 
that  we  are  not  presumptuous  in  believing  that  we  are  com- 
petent to  judge  about  the  staite  of  things  in  our  own  coimtry. 
Xow,  as  I  have  already  indicated,  out  of  the  seventy-five  arch- 
bishops and  bishops  of  the  United  States,  there  are  about  five 
who  desire  the  condemnation  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  such 
as  they  are  in  our  own  country;  so  that  our  hierarchy  are  al- 
most unanimous  in  protesting  against  such  a  condemnation. 
Such  a  fact  ought  to  have  great  weight  in  deciding  the  ques- 
tion. If  there  are  difficulties  in  the  case,  it  seems  to  me  that 
the  prudence  and  experience  of  our  bishops  and  the  wise  rules 
of  the  Third  Plenary  Council  ought  to  suffice  for  their  solu- 
tion. 

"  Finally,  to  sum  up  all,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  Holy  See 
could  not  decide  to  condemn  an  association  under  the  follow- 
ing circumstances: 

"  1.  When  the  condemnation  does  not  seem  to  be  justified 
either  by  the  letter  or  the  spirit  of  its  consitution,  its  laws  and 
the  declaration  of  its  chief. 

"  2.  When  the  condemnation  does  not  seem  necessary,  in 
view  of  the  transient  form  of  the  organization  and  the  social 
condition  of  the  United  States. 


158  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

"  3.  When  it  does  not  seem  to  be  prudent,  because  of  the 
reality  of  the  grievances  complained  of  by  the  working  classes, 
and  their  acknowledgment  by  the  American  people. 

"  4.  When  it  would  be  dangerous  for  the  reputation  of  the 
Church  in  our  democratic  country,  and  might  even  lead  to 
persecution. 

"  5.  When  it  would  probably  be  inefficacious,  owing  to  the 
general  conviction  that  it  would  be  unjust. 

"  6.  When  it  would  be  destructive  instead  of  beneficial  in 
its  effects,  impelling  the  children  of  the  Church  to  disobey  their 
Mother,  and  even  to  enter  condemned  societies,  which  they 
have  thus  far  shunned. 

"  7.  When  it  would  turn  into  suspicion  and  hostility  the 
singular  devotedness  of  our  Catholic  people  towards  the  Holy 
See. 

"  8.  When  it  would  be  regarded  as  a  cruel  blow  to  the 
authority  of  bishops  in  the  United  States,  who,  it  is  well  known, 
protest  against  such  a  condemnation. 

"  Now,  I  hope  the  considerations  here  presented  have  suf- 
ficiently shown  that  such  would  be  the  effect  of  condemnation 
of  the  Knights  of  Labor  in  the  United  States. 

"  Therefore,  I  leave  the  decision  of  the  case,  with  fullest 
confidence  to  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of  your  Eminence  and 
the  Holy  See." 

J.  CARD.  GIBBONS, 

Archbishop  of  Baltimore. 

Rome,  February  20,  1887. 


2.     REVIEW  OF  THE  ENCYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO 
XIII  01^  THE  CONDITION  OF  LAEOR  ^ 

By  Caedinal  Manning 

Since  the  Divine  words,  "  I  have  compassion  on  the  multi- 
tude," were  spoken  in  the  wilderness,  no  voice  has  been  heard 
throughout  the  world  pleading  for  the  people  with  such  pro- 
found and  loving  sympathy  for  those  that  toil  and  suffer  as 
the  voice  of  Leo  XIIL  This  is  no  rhetorical  exaggeration, 
but  strict  truth.  None  but  the  Vicar  of  our  Divine  Lord  could 
so  speak  to  mankind.  No  Pontiff  has  ever  had  such  an  oppor- 
tunity so  to  speat,  for  never  till  now  has  the  world  of  labor 
been  so  consciously  united,  so  dependent  upon  the  will  of  the 
rich,  so  opposed  to  the  fluctuations  of  adversity  and  to  the 
vicissitudes  of  trade.  Leo  XIII  looking  out  of  the  watch-tower 
of  the  Christian  world,  as  St.  Leo  the  Great  used  to  say,  has 
before  him  what  no  Pontiff  yet  has  ever  seen.  He  sees  all 
the  kingdoms  of  the  world  and  the  sufferings  of  them. 

The  moan  of  discontent,  of  toil,  of  sorrow,  goes  up  before 
him.  The  modem  world,  by  every  agency  of  knowledge,  and 
by  every  bond  of  interest  and  of  intellect,  has  become  con- 
fluent. It  has  one  intelligence,  one  conscience,  one  will,  for  it 
is  under  one  law :  "  In  the  sweat  of  thy  face  thou  shalt  eat 
bread  " ;  and  for  millions  that  bread  is  scant.  Its  sufferings 
are  the  same,  and  its  needs  and  demands  are  the  same.  This 
interchange  of  knowledge  is  so  rapid  and  complete,  not  only 
as  of  old  by  messengers  and  by  letters,  but  by  the  electric  wire 
and  instantaneous  transit,  that  the  workers  and  toilers  of  all 
languages  and  all  lands  are  united  by  one  living  consciousness 
and  by  a  continual  participation  in  the  various  changes  of 
labor  and  of  trade.  The  world  of  to-day  is  a  world  of  enor- 
mous wealth  and  endless  labor.  The  Holy  Father,  at  the  out- 
set of  the  Encyclical,  recognizes  this  character  of  the  nineteenth 
century.     He  says  that  "  the  gro-svth  of  industry  and  the  sur- 

1  From  the  Dublin  Review,  July,  1891. 

159 


100  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

prising  discoveries  of  science;  the  changed  relations  of  masters 
and  workmen ;  the  enormous  fortunes  of  individuals  and  the 
poverty  of  the  masses ;  the  increased  self-reliance  and  the  closer 
mutual  combination  of  the  working  population,"  have  created 
a  new  condition  in  the  world  full  of  elements  of  conflict;  and 
this  is  rendered  more  menacing  by  "  a  general  moral  deteriora- 
tion "  that  is  in  all  classes  and  in  all  nations.  It  is  upon  such 
a  world  that  he  looks  down;  and  his  heart  is  with  the  poor; 
"  I  have  compassion  on  the  multitude  " —  on  the  poor,  who,  as 
he  says,  are  "  the  majority  of  mankind." 

"  All  agree,"  he  says,  "  and  there  can  be  no  question  what- 
ever that  some  remedy  must  be  found,  and  that  quickly  found, 
for  the  misery  and  wretchedness  which  press  so  heavily  at  this 
moment  on  the  large  majority  of  the  very  poor.  The  ancient 
workmen's  gilds  were  destroyed  in  the  last  century,  and  no 
other  organization  took  their  place.  Hence  by  degrees  it  has 
come  to  pass  that  workingmen  have  been  given  over,  isolated 
and  defenceless,  to  the  callousness  of  employers  and  the  greed 
of  unrestrained  competition.  The  evil  has  been  increased  by 
rapacious  usury,  which  though  more  than  once  condemned  by 
the  Church,  is  nevertheless  under  a  different  form,  but  with 
the  same  guilt,  still  practised  by  avaricious  and  grasping  men ; 
and  to  this  must  be  added  the  custom  of  working  by  contract, 
and  the  concentration  of  so  many  branches  of  trade  in  the 
hands  of  a  few  individuals,  so  that  a  number  of  very  rich  men 
have  been  able  to  lay  upon  the  masses  of  the  poor  a  yoke  little 
better  than  slaver)^  itself."  This  is  no  new  pronouncement  of 
Leo  XIII.  It  is  perhaps  not  known  to  many  that  the  study  of 
this  question  has  long  occupied  his  mind.  During  his  episco- 
pate at  Perugia  he  issued  pastorals,  even  stronger  and  more  ex- 
plicit, on  the  sufferings  of  the  workers  and  the  callousness  of 
employers.  By  a  happy  providence,  what  he  then  wrote  in  a 
pastoral  to  an  Umbrian  flock,  he  now  promulgates  with  Apos- 
tolic authority  to  the  whole  world. 

Before  we  speak  of  the  text  of  the  Encyclical,  we  must  make 
two  preliminary  remarks. 

Some  public  critics  have  censured  it  for  vagueness  and  gen- 
erality.    They  are  disappointed  because  they  do  not  find  de- 


ENCYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII  161 

tailed  and  particular  solutions,  remedies,  and  schemes  of  action. 
But  they  forget  that  the  diversities  of  nations,  in  civilization, 
in  maturity,  in  climate,  in  character,  in  the  diversities  of  natural 
and  industrial  products,  also  in  mode  of  life  and  in  a  multitude 
of  other  conditions  and  circumstances,  make  it  as  impossible  to 
prescribe  remedies  for  all  nations  as  it  would  be  to  dispense  a 
score  of  prescriptions  for  all  the  hospitals  of  Europe.  It  was 
of  absolute  necessity  to  lay  down  broad  principles  which  serve 
as  major  premises  in  all  arguments  of  the  social  order. 

The  other  remark  is  this:  that  the  Holy  Father  has  lifted 
Political  Economy  from  the  low  level  of  selfishness  in  profit 
and  loss,  labor  and  wages,  and  replaced  it  on  the  right  and 
true  level  of  Social  Economy.  The  very  word  economy  is 
a  protest  against  the  narrowness  of  the  last  hundred  years. 
Economy  is  the  administration  of  a  household.  He  is  a  bad 
householder  who  attends  only  to  weekly  bills,  and  neglects  the 
health,  morals,  and  welfare  of  the  household.  There  is  noth- 
ing needed  for  the  well-being  and  happiness  of  the  family 
for  which  domestic  economy  does  not  vigilantly  provide  The 
finances  of  the  household  are  necessary,  but  subordinate.  They 
are  only  details  of  administration.  When  we  speak  of  "  politi- 
cal "  economy  we  speak  in  metaphors.  A  State  is  metaphori- 
cally a  family,  a  household;  and  metaphorically  it  has  an  ad- 
ministration which  is  to  the  commonwealth  what  economy  is 
to  the  household.  It  includes  every  form  of  material  and 
moral  provision  for  the  public  health  and  welfare.  In  this, 
finance  and  commerce  are  an  important  but  a  subordinate  part. 
The  Holy  Father  has  carefully  defined  this  economy  and  its 
bearing  upon  Socialism,  both  the  thing  and  the  term,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter. 

The  Encyclical  divides  itself  into  four  parts.  The  first 
treats  of  the  origin  and  constitution  of  human  society.  The 
second  shows  the  unnatural,  abnormal,  and  subversive  nature 
of  what  is  called  Socialism.  The  third  treats  of  the  intervention 
of  the  State  in  social  questions.  The  fourth  and  last  treats 
of  the  liberty,  duties,  and  co-operation  of  workers,  both  men 
and  women.  We  will  follow  this  order  in  commenting  upon 
it. 


im  CHURCH  AND  LAEOR 

1.  As  to  the  ori^n  of  human  society,  it  is  much  to  be 
feared  that  many  will  read  the  Encyclical  without  weighing  its 
deep  and  far  reaching  enunciation  of  primary  truths.  Many 
also  will  call  them  truisms  and  fail  to  weigh  them.  For  in- 
stance : 

1'.  "  Man  is  older  than  the  State,  and  he  holds  the  right  of  pro- 
viding for  the  life  of  his  body,  prior  to  the  formation  of  any  State." 

2.  "  To  say  that  God  has  given  the  earth  to  the  use  and  enjoy- 
ment of  the  universal  human  race  is  not  to  deny  that  there  can  be 
private  property." 

3.  "  When  man  spends  the  industry  of  his  mind  and  the  strength 
of  his  body  in  procuring  the  fruits  of  nature  by  that  act  he  makes 
his  own  that  portion  of  nature's  field  which  he  cultivates,  that  por- 
tion ou  which  he  leaves,  as  it  were,  the  impress  of  his  personality." 

4.  "  As  effects  follow  their  cause,  so  it  is  just  and  right  that  the 
results  of  labor  should  belong  to  him  who  has  labored." 

5.  "  With  reason  therefore  the  common  opinion  of  mankind.  .  .  . 
has  found,  in  the  study  of  nature  and  in  the  law  of  nature  herself, 
the  foundations  of  the  division  of  property,  and  has  consecrated  by 
the  practice  of  all  ages  the  principle  of  private  ownership." 

6.  "  That  we  have  the  family :  the  society  of  a  man's  own  house- 
hold ;  a  society  limited  indeed  in  numbers,  but  a  true  '  society '  an- 
terior to  every  State  or  nation,  with  rights  and  duties  of  its  own, 
totally  independent  of  the  commonwealth." 

Y.  "  It  is  a  most  sacred  law  of  nature  that  a  father  must  provide 
food  and  all  necessaries  for  those  whom  he  has  begotten.  ...  A 
man's  children  carry  on,  as  it  were,  and  continue  his  own  personal- 
ity" 

8.  "  The  family  has  at  least  equal  rights  with  the  State  in  the 
choice  and  pursuit  of  those  things  which  are  needful  to  its  pres- 
ervation, and  to  its  just  liberty." 

9.  "We  say  at  least  equal  rights,  for  since  the  domestic  house- 
hold is  anterior,  both  in  idea  and  in  fact,  to  the  gathering  of  men 
into  a  commonwealth,  the  former  must  necessarily  have  rights  and 
duties  which  are  prior  to  those  of  the  latter,  and  which  rest  more 
immediately  on  nature." 

10.  "  The  idea,  then,  that  the  civil  government  should,  at  its  own 
discretion,  penetrate  and  pervade  the  family  and  the  household  is 
a  great  and  pernicious  mistake." 

11.  "  Paternal  authority  can  neither  be  abolished  by  the  State  nor 
absorbed,  for  it  has  the  same  source  as  human  life  itself." 

12.  "  The  child  ...  is,  as  it  were,  the  continuation  of  the  father's 
personality." 

13.  "  To  speak  with  strictness,  the  child  takes  its  place  in  civil 


ENCYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII  163 

society,  not  in  its  own  right,  but  in  its  quality  as  a  member  of  the 
family  .  .  .  before  it  attains  the  use  of  freewill,  it  is  in  the  power 
and  care  of  its  parents." 

We  have  thought  it  best  to  extract  these  passages,  and  to 
place  them  in  an  orderly  series,  because,  embedded  in  a  con- 
text full  of  manifold  and  various  interest,  their  full  force 
may  be  easily  lost.  They  are  like  the  axioms  of  mathematics, 
the  immovable  foundations  of  all  reasoning.  They  are  the 
basis  and  the  constructive  lines  of  human  society,  which  is  a 
Divine  creation  in  the  order  of  nature. 

The  Encyclical  then  proceeds  to  describe  Socialism  by  the 
doctrines  of  its  first  teachers  and  chief  writers.  The  essence 
of  Socialism,  according  to  this  statement,  consists  in  the  denial 
of  the  natural  right  of  property  or  of  private  ownership,  and 
in  the  assertion  that  it  is  lawful  to  reform  and  constitute  human 
society  on  the  basis  of  the  universal  equality  of  man,  and  the 
community  of  goods. 

2.  The  Encyclical  goes  on  to  show  the  false  and  destructive 
character  of  Socialism. 

The  law  of  property  or  of  private  ownership,  both  in  land 
and  in  the  product  of  his  own  labor,  is  founded  in  nature,  and 
cannot  be  abolished  by  any  human  authority  without  a  violation 
of  the  Divine  order  of  natural  society.  Neither  land  nor  wage 
can Jbe  nationalized.  Property  existed  before  the  nation;  and 
rests  immediately  on  nature  itself.  This  does  not  deny  the 
lawfulness  of  taxing  all  property  by  the  State  for  the  safety  or 
welfare  of  the  cormnonwealth.  It  denies  only  the  lawfulness 
of  uprooting  the  right  of  property  which  is  in  its  origin  fovinded  ! 
on  nature  itself.  There  are  many  kinds  of  nominal  Socialism, 
which  we  need  not  deal  with  now ;  but  of  the  original  Socialism 
there  are  two  sections:  the  one  that  holds  the  lawfulness  of 
nationalizing  both  land  and  the  wages  of  labor;  the  other  that 
holds  the  lawfulness  of  nationalizing  the  land  only,  but  admits 
the  right  of  private  property  in  the  wages  and  products  of  per- 
sonal labor.  The  Encyclical  denies  both  these  claims.  Social- 
ism therefore  affects  to  reconstitute  human  society  upon  a  new 
foundation  and  by  new  laws,  and  this,  whether  accomplished 
by  force  or  by  fallacy,  is  destructive  of  the  natural  and  normal 


164  CHimCH  AITD  LABOR 

society  of  man.  For  this  cause  the  terms  Socialistic  and  Social- 
ism have  an  essentially  ill  signification.  Socialism  is  to  society 
what  rationalism  is  to  reasoning.  It  denotes  an  abuse,  an  ex- 
cess, a  de-ordination  in  human  society,  as  rationalism  denotes 
a  misuse  and  an  abuse  of  reason.  All  reasoning  must  be  ra- 
tional that  is  in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  reason,  and  all 
legislation  for  human  society  must  be  both  human  and  social 
by  the  necessity  and  nature  of  mankind.  Inhuman  and  anti- 
social law  is  not  law,  but  tyranny  or  anarchy.  It  implies  there- 
fore a  laxity  of  thought,  or  at  least  of  terminology,  to  speak  of 
Christian  Socialism,  of  Catholic  Socialism.  The  Holy  Father 
is  too  keen  in  his  apprehension  and  too  exact  in  his  reasoning  to 
admit  such  confusion  even  in  terms.  This  will  be  seen  in  the 
third  part  of  the  Encyclical,  which  treats  of  the  intervention  of 
the  State  in  social  questions. 

Leo  XIII  points  out  that  the  equality  of  all  men  is  contra- 
dicted by  every  fact  and  condition  of  human  life.  Both  the 
gifts  of  nature  and  the  products  of  human  freewill  introduce, 
at  every  moment,  inequalities  which  are  lawful,  innocent,  and 
fruitful  of  every  kind  of  good.  Society  itself  would  not  grow, 
nor  would  its  prosperity  and  power  be  developed,  if  all  men 
were  equal.  And  as  society  unfolds  its  own  perfections,  men 
at  once  become  unequal.  The  inequalities  of  age  alone  would 
daily  multiply  the  inequalities  of  early  and  middle  and  mature 
life.  If  we  were  all  equal  to-day,  inequalities  would  spring 
up  to-morrow.  And  these  very  inequalities  are  the  spirit  and 
the  means  of  growing  perfection.  "  It  is  impossible  to  reduce 
human  society  to  a  level.  The  Socialists  may  do  their  utmost, 
but  they  are  striving  against  nature  in  vain." 

If  the  right  of  private  ownership  were  violated,  no  one  would 
suffer  so  much  as  the  poor  working-man.  It  is  his  ambition 
and  his  prayer  to  possess  as  his  own  the  roof  over  his  head 
and  the  patch  of  garden  which  now  pays  his  rent.  In  absorb- 
ing rich  landlords,  the  poor  cottager  is  also  sacrificed.  Prop- 
erty is  more  vital  to  those  who  have  little  than  to  those  who 
have  much.  The  rich  may  make  great  losses,  and  yet  have 
enough  to  live;  but  they  who  live  always  on  the  brink  of 
want,  are  ruined  by  one  privation. 


ENCYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII  166 

Socialism  properly  so-called,  by  the  equality  of  all  and  the 
community  of  goods  invades  also  the  domestic  life  and  the  rights 
of  parents.  "  The  Socialists  therefore  in  setting  aside  the 
parent,  and  introducing  the  providence  of  the  State,  act  against 
natural  jiistice,  and  therefore  the  very  existence  of  family  life." 

The  Holy  Father  goes  on  to  point  out  the  remedy  of  these 
social  evils.  He  says:  "  There  is  nothing  more  useful  than 
to  look  at  the  world  as  it  is,  and  at  the  same  time  to  look  else- 
where for  a  remedy  to  its  troubles."  It  is  certain  that  the 
world  cannot  heal  itself ;  it  is  more  certain  that  Socialism,  which 
violates  the  primary  laws  of  nature,  cannot  heal  our  social 
evils.  Socialism  is  in  itself  the  master  evil  in  the  society  of 
men,  being  the  destroyer  of  the  first  laws  of  the  natural  order. 
Therefore,  to  find  a  remedy  we  are  bid  to  look  away  from  the 
world,  and  to  look  "  elsewhere."  It  is  certain,  therefore,  that 
neither  legislation,  nor  civilization,  nor  any  simple  human  in- 
fluence or  natural  agency,  can  restore  society  which  is  sick 
with  manifold  diseases.  The  Holy  Father  tells  us  where  to 
look.  He  says :  "  When  a  society  is  perishing,  the  true  advice 
to  give  to  those  who  would  restore,  is  to  recall  it  to  the  purpose 
and  principles  from  which  it  sprang."  "  So  that  to  fall  away 
from  its  primal  constitution  is  disease;  to  go  back  to  it  is  re- 
covery." "  If  society  is  to  be  cured  now,  in  no  other  way  can 
it  be  cured  but  by  a  return  to  the  Christian  life,  and  to  the 
Christian  institutions."  Therefore,  "  no  practical  solution  of 
this  question  will  ever  be  found  without  the  assistance  of  re- 
ligion and  of  the  Church."  God  created  the  Church  and  the 
Church  created  the  Christian  world.  For  three  centuries  the 
world  has  been  in  revolt  against  the  Church,  and  has  thrown 
off  the  first  principles  from  which  it  sprang;  they  are:  faith, 
indissoluble  matrimony.  Christian  education,  obedience  to  the 
Head  of  the  Christian  world.  The  consequence  of  this  revolt 
is  schism,  divorce,  schools  without  religion,  and  the  weaken- 
ing of  all  moral  laws.  The  natural  society  of  man  fell  from 
its  normal  state  into  manifold  corruptions.  The  merely  human 
civilization  in  its  most  refined  state  in  Greece,  and  in  its  loftiest 
attainments  in  the  Roman  world,  perished  by  its  own  suicidal 
corruptions.     "  There  cannot  be  the  shadow  of  doubt  .  .  .  that 


166  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

civil  society  was  renovated  in  every  part  by  the  teaching  of 
Christianity;  that  in  the  strength  of  that  renewal  the  human 
race  was  lifted  up  to  better  things;  nay,  that  it  was  brought 
back  from  death  to  life."  "  Of  this  beneficent  transformation 
Jesus  Christ  was  at  once  the  first  cause  and  the  final  purpose ; 
as  from  Him  all  came,  so  to  Him  all  was  to  be  referred." 
These  sentences  are  full  of  meaning.     They  affirm: 

1.  That  into  the  fallen  and  perverted  society  of  men  a  new 
life  and  a  new  legislation  entered,  which  expelled  the  evils  of 
human  corruption  and  elevated  society  to  a  supernatural  state; 
in  other  words,  that  the  society  and  law  of  nature  were  not  only 
restored  to  their  first  principles,  but  were  elevated  to  a  higher 
law  and  state.  Human  society  was  made  perfect  in  the  super- 
natural society  that  is  in  the  Church.  Separation  therefore 
from  the  Church  has  deprived  a  great  part  of  the  Christian 
world  of  its  supernatural  perfection  in  life  and  constitution. 

2.  That  the  Christian  law  made  perfect  the  natural  law  of 
justice  any  mercy,  which  may  be  enforced  by  human  tribunals. 

3.  That  it  superadded  the  law  of  charity,  the  highest  and 
most  perfect  law  which,  though  it  cannot  be  enforced  by  hu- 
man tribunals,  has  a  Divine  sanction  to  enforce  it  in  the  con- 
science of  all  men. 

4.  That  without  the  teaching  of  Christianity,  the  moral  re- 
lations of  hiunan  society  become  unsympathetic,  hard,  and 
selfish. 

When,  then,  Leo  XIII  says  that  the  only  remedy  for  the 
social  evils  of  States  is  to  be  found  in  the  Church,  he  means 
that  "  without  God  there  is  no  society  " ;  without  a  legislator, 
human  laws  are  powerless  to  restrain  the  selfish  passion  of 
men ;  and  without  charity  all  laws  are  cold,  unpersuasive,  and 
inefficacious.  Justice  alone  without  mercy  is  heartless,  and 
mercy  without  charity  is  constrained  and  repulsive.  Without 
the  Church,  this  higher  moral  law  is  not  to  be  found.  The 
condition  of  the  labor  world,  or  of  the  "  labor  market,"  as 
political  economists  have  taught  us  to  call  it,  is  proof  enough. 

The  Encyclical  then  points  out  two  other  explicit  reasons 
why  the  actions  of  the  Church,  in  its  teaching,  spirit  and  sanc- 
tion, is  of  the  highest  moment  to  society,  and  especially  to 


EIS'CYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII  167 

the  millions  of  the  world.  The  poor  are  tlie  special  charge 
of  the  Church,  "  God  hath  chosen  the  poor  of  this  world." 
"  Hearken,  my  beloved  brethren,  hath  not  God  chosen  the  poor 
of  this  world,  rich  in  faith,  and  heirs  of  the  kingdom  which 
God  hath  promised  to  them  that  love  Him  ?  "  Every  living  soul 
is  in  His  immediate  care,  the  rich  as  well  as  the  poor ;  there  is 
no  distinction  of  class  or  privilege  with  Him.  Every  soul, 
whether  refined  or  rude,  is  in  His  keeping.  But  with  an 
especial  care  He  watches  over  those  who  "  eat  bread  in  the 
sweat  of  their  brow."  They  are  under  the  habitual  penance  of 
Adam  in  privation,  toil,  poverty,  often  in  want,  living  in  hard- 
ness, and  bearing  many  sufferings.  They  live  perpetually  on 
the  brink  of  want,  in  the  midst  of  vicissitudes  of  human  for- 
tune. K^one  needs  the  Paraclete,  the  Consoler,  more  than  they ; 
and  none  needs  the  sympathy  of  the  Church  as  they  do.  "  The 
Church  has  guarded  with  religious  care  the  inheritance  of  the 
poor."  At  the  present  day  there  are  many  who,  like  the  heathen 
of  old,  condemn  the  Church  for  this  beautiful  charity.  We 
are  told  that  it  demoralizes  the  people.  "  They  would  substi- 
tute in  its  place  a  system  of  State  organized  relief.  But  no 
human  methods  will  ever  supply  for  the  devotion  and  self- 
sacrifice  of  Christian  charity." 

Another  reason  is  this.  The  creative  power  of  the  Church 
has  in  all  ages  formed  for  itself  organized  bodies,  incorporat- 
ing and  fulfilling  its  manifold  works  of  charity.  A  religious 
order  springs  from  the  bosom  of  the  Church,  and  is  sustained 
by  it.  And  as  religious  orders  have  sprung  up  within  it,  so 
also  have  guilds,  confraternities,  sadalities,  unions,  both  sacred 
and  beneficial.  Association  and  co-operation  are  of  the  spirit 
of  brotherhood ;  and  the  greatest  brotherhood  in  the  world  is 
the  Church  itself.  Therefore  the  Church  blesses  and  encour- 
ages every  form  of  lawful  and  Christian  association.  It  con- 
demns secret  societies  as  such,  because  they  walk  in  darkness ; 
but  it  sanctions  the  open  uniting  of  men  for  a  lawful  object,  such 
as  mutual  protection  against  those  who  make  the  largest  profits 
out  of  the  lowest  wages,  or  intolerable  hours  of  work,  and  the 
like.  In  a  word,  the  Church  recognizes  the  liberty  of  the  hu- 
man will  in  all  its  lawful  actions,  individual  and  collective; 


168  CHURCH  AI^D  LABOR 

and  it  encourages  men  to  use  that  liberty  for  their  self-defence 
and  for  the  defence  and  help  of  others. 

But  finally,  the  Church  alone  deals  not  only  with  the  bodily, 
but  also  with  the  spiritual  life  of  man;  and  no  people  can  be 
peaceful  or  contented  with  a  life  of  labor  who  do  not  know,  and 
hope  for,  an  eternal  rest.     And  it  thereby  teaches  men,  the 
poorest  and  the  humblest,  their  true  dimity.     "  No  man  may 
outrage  with  impunity  that  human  dignity  which  God  Himself 
treats  with  reverence ;  nor  stand  in  the  way  of  that  higher  life 
which  is  the  preparation  for  the  eternal  life  of  heaven."     It 
is  certain  that  in  the  measure  in  which  these  truths  pervade  the 
mind  of  people,  in  that  measure  they  are  elevated,  refined,  and 
independent.     In  the  measure  in  which  they  are  lost,  a  people 
becomes  animal,  gross  and  intractable,  or,  it  may  be,  slavish. 
'■  To  consent  to  any  treatment  which  is  calculated  to  defeat  the 
end  and  purpose  of  his  being,  is  beyond  his  right.     He  cannot 
give  up  his  soul  to  servitude;  for  it  is  not  man's  own  rights 
which  are  here  in  question,  but  the  rights  of  God."     "  Therefore 
no  man  can  contract  to  work  so  many  hours  and  so  many  days  a 
week  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  him  to  live  a  Christian  and 
human  life."     From  this  follows  the  obligation  of  the  cessation 
of  work  and  labor  on  Simdays  and  certain  festivals.     From 
this  also  it  follows  that  to  work  sixteen  or  eighteen  hours  a 
day  is  contrary  both  to  natural  and  to  Christian  law.     It  springs 
either  from  the  recklessness  of  the  employed,  or  the  covetous- 
ness  of  the  employer.     This  is  a  just  condemnation  of  the  state 
of  many  of  our  industries,  under  which  till  now  our  people 
have  suffered  in  silence.     But  they  are  now  bid  to  make  their 
burdens  and  sufferings  known. 

3.  The  Encyclical  then  treats  of  the  intervention  of  the 
State  in  matters  of  political  economy.  If  a  century  of  nar- 
row and  commercial  mistreatment  had  not  contracted  the  range 
and  fulness  of  political  economy  to  the  "  dismal  science  "  of 
supply  and  demand,  wage-funds  and  labor  markets,  the  very 
title  would  have  affirmed  the  duty  of  the  State  to  intervene 
whensoever  the  welfare  of  the  commonwealth  is  in  any  part 
at  stake.  All  political  economy  contains  financial  and  com- 
mercial economy,  but  neither  commerce  nor  finance  are  co- 
extensive with  political  economy.     Political  economy  watches 


ENCYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII  169 

indeed  over  the  whole  commercial  and  financial  economy,  but 
it  watches  also  over  the  welfare  of  all  classes.  Classes  revolve 
round  their  own  interests.  It  is  in  reaction  from  this  organized 
selfishness  that  some  men  have  recoiled  into  Socialism.  The 
Encyclical  having  carefully  defined  Socialism,  both  name  and 
thing,  goes  on  to  show  how  the  legislation  of  human  society 
must  be  essentially  social.  "  It  is  in  the  power  of  a  ruler  to 
benefit  every  order  of  the  State,  and  among  the  rest  to  pro- 
mote in  the  highest  degree  the  interests  of  the  poor ;  .  .  .  for  it 
is  the  province  of  the  commonwealth  to  consult  for  the  common 
good,  and  the  more  that  is  done  for  the  working  population  by 
the  general  laws  of  the  country,  the  less  need  will  there  be  to 
seek  for  particular  means  to  relieve  them." 

"  The  richer  population  have  many  ways  of  protecting  them- 
selves, and  stand  less  in  need  of  help  from  the  State.  Those 
who  are  badly  off  have  no  recourse  of  their  own  to  fall  back 
upon,  and  must  chiefly  rely  upon  the  assistance  of  the  State, 
and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  wage-earners,  who  are  undoubtedly 
among  the  weak  and  necessitous,  should  be  especially  cared  for 
and  protected  by  the  commonwealth."  It  is  to  be  doubted 
whether  in  any  country  of  the  Christian  world  these  truths  are 
better  realized  than  in  our  own.  Ever  since  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  1834,  our  legislation  has  entered  more  and  more 
minutely  into  the  social  needs  and  sufferings  of  our  people. 
Our  poor-law  incorporates  the  primary  laws  of  nature,  that  a 
man  has  a  right  to  live  and  a  right  to  the  food  necessary  to 
sustain  life,  either  by  gift  or  by  wage.  But  nobody  dreams  of 
calling  these  laws  socialistic.  The  mining  and  factory  legisla- 
tion protects  millions  of  men,  women  and  children;  the  aboli- 
tion of  Corn  Laws  impoverished  a  class  for  the  welfare  of  the 
people;  a  dozen  laws  protect  children  from  noxious  trades  and 
the  like;  but  no  man  till  now  has  been  blind  enough  to  accuse 
our  Statute-Book  of  Socialism.  The  State  educations  of 
France,  America  and  Belgium  are  denounced  as  godless;  but 
though  they  are  the  worst  form  of  Socialism,  nobody  says  so 
or  sees  it.  But  if  any  man  would  protect  the  world  of  labor 
from  the  oppression  of  "  free  contracts  "  or  "  star\"ation  wages," 
he  is  a  Socialist.  So  obscure  from  want  of  thought,  or  so 
warped  by  interest,  or  so  prejudiced  by  class  feeling  are  the 


170  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

minds  of  men.  Our  legislation  hitherto  and  the  programme  of 
the  Berlin  Conference  are  supremely  conservative,  social,  and 
anti-socialistic. 

4.  The  Encyclical  comes  lastly  to  the  liberty,  duties,  and 
co-operation  of  workers.  The  treatment  of  this  is  paternal  in 
its  compassion  and  minute  in  its  detail.  It  shows  both  the 
heart  and  the  head  of  the  Good  Shepherd.  First,  as  to  liberty. 
Work  is  the  condition  of  bread.  But  in  the  choice  of  the  kind 
of  work,  the  master  for  whom,  the  wages  for  which  a  man  shall 
work,  all  this  rests  with  himself.  The  employer  has  the  dead 
capital  of  gold  and  silver.  The  workman  has  the  living  capital 
of  strength  and  skill.  If  strength  and  skill  are  unproductive 
without  gold  and  silver,  gold  and  silver  are  dead  without 
strength  and  skill.  A  free  and  faithful  contract  between  them 
is  necessary  for  the  productiveness  of  both.  A  man  has  a 
right  and  an  absolute  liberty  to  work  for  such  wages  as  he  thinks 
just;  to  refuse  to  work  for  less.  Men  have  both  right  and 
liberty  to  unite  with  others  of  the  same  trade  or  craft,  and  to 
demand  a  just  wage  for  their  labor.  If  this  just  wage  is  re- 
fused, they  have  both  right  and  liberty  to  refuse  to  work  —  that 
id,  to  strike.  Leo  XIII  fully  recognizes  this  liberty.  So  long 
as  the  cause  is  right,  the  right  to  strike  is  undeniable.  He 
"  is  free  to  work  or  not." 

But  next  arises  the  question,  What  is  a  just  wage?  The 
Encyclical  has  given  a  very  explicit  and  definite  answer.  It  is 
impossible  to  define  the  maximum.  It  is  only  necessary  to  de- 
fine the  minimum.  The  Encyclical  says :  "  Let  it  be  granted 
then,  that,  as  a  rule,  workmen  and  employer  should  make  free 
agreements,  and  in  particular  should  freely  agree  as  to  wages; 
nevertheless  there  is  a  dictate  of  nature,  more  imperious  and 
more  ancient  than  any  bargain  between  man  and  man,  that  the 
remuneration  must  be  enough  to  support  the  wage-earner  in 
reasonable  and  frugal  comfort."  This  is  immediately  further 
explained  as,  "  sufiicient  to  enable  him  to  maintain  himself,  his 
wife,  and  his  children." 

We  have  here  the  measure  of  the  minimum  wage.  It  must 
be  sufiicient  to  maintain  a  man  and  his  home.  This  does  not 
mean  a  variable  measure,  or  a  sliding  scale  according  to  the 
number  of  children,  but  a  fixed  average  sum.     "  If  through 


ENCYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII  171 

necessity  or  fear  of  worse  evil  the  workman  accepts  harder 
conditions  because  an  employer  or  contractor  will  give  him  no 
better,  he  is  the  victim  of  force  and  injustice."  The  founda- 
tion of  this  judgment  is  in  the  law  of  nature.  It  is  clear  that 
the  normal  state  of  man  in  the  natural  order  is  that  every  man 
should  have  and  should  dwell  in  his  own  home,  surrounded  by 
the  duties  and  charities  of  life.  If  the  civil  population  of  the 
country  were  debarred,  from  marriage,  like  the  standing  army, 
the  face  of  the  country  would  be  visited  with  all  the  evils  of 
a  garrison  town.  Homeless  men  are  reckless.  There  would 
be  but  little  patriotism  in  a  country  where  no  man  cares  to 
stand  pro  arts  et  focis.  The  hearth-money  of  our  forefathers 
was  the  sure  pledge  of  their  loyalty.  The  policy  of  the  law  — 
that  is,  its  aim  and  spirit  —  is  that  homeless  men  be  few,  and 
that  the  homes  of  the  people  be  the  broad  and  solid  founda- 
tion on  which  the  commonwealth,  in  all  its  social  and  political 
life,  shall  repose.  We  may  therefore  take  the  maintenance  of 
a  home  as  a  minimum  of  a  just  wage. 

It  follows,  therefore,  that  an  employer  who  should  take  single 
men  without  homes  at  a  lower  wage  would  commit  a  social 
injustice,  full  of  immoral  and  dangerous  consequences  to  so- 
ciety. 

Beyond  this  it  is  impossible  to  go.  Every  kind  of  industry 
and  of  labor,  skilled  and  unskilled,  in  all  the  diversities  of 
toil  or  danger,  will  have  its  special  claims;  but  the  lowest 
line  is  the  worker  and  his  home. 

It  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  oldest  free  contract  be- 
tween landowner  and  laborer  is  the  metayer  system,  by  which 
the  annual  produce  of  the  soil  is  halved  between  the  landlord 
and  the  producer.  This  still  exists  abroad.  It  bears  witness 
to  a  law  of  proportion  which  is  just,  and  it  is  a  source  of  con- 
tentment and  good  will.  Where  there  is  no  proportion,  or 
known  proportion,  between  enormous  and  increasing  wealth  and 
scanty  and  stationary  wages,  to  be  contented  is  to  be  super-hu- 
man. Leo  XIII  without  naming  any  one,  warmly  commends 
the  works  of  those  in  France  and  elsewhere  who  are  giving  to 
their  workmen  a  share  in  the  profits  and  prosperity  of  their  com- 
merce and  industry. 

On   the   liberty   of   strike,    Leo   XIII    is    equally   explicit. 


172  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

"  When  work-people  have  recourse  to  a  strike,  it  is  frequently 
because  the  hours  of  labor  are  too  long,  or  the  work  too  hard, 
or  because  they  consider  their  wages  insufficient." 

"  Such  paralysis  of  labor  not  only  affects  the  masters  and 
their  work-people,  but  is  extremely  injurious  to  trade  and  to 
the  general  interests  of  the  public."  A  strike  is  like  war.  If 
for  a  just  cause,  a  strike  is  right  and  inevitable ;  it  is  a  healthful 
constraint  imposed  upon  the  despotism  of  capital.  It  is  the 
only  power  in  the  hands  of  working  men.  We  have  been  for 
years  blinded  or  dazed  by  the  phrases  of  "  free  contract,"  "  the 
independence  of  adult  labor,"  "  free  labor,"  and  the  like.  The 
meaning  is  this :  Let  working  men  maintain  their  independence 
of  one  another,  and  of  all  associations,  and  of  all  unions,  and  of 
all  united  action,  and  of  all  intervention  of  law  in  their  be- 
half. The  more  perfectly  they  are  isolated,  the  more  indepen- 
dent of  all  defenders,  the  more  dependent  they  are  on  capitalists. 
Starving  men  may  be  locked  out  with  impunity.  The  hunger 
of  their  wives,  the  cries  of  their  children,  their  own  want  of  food 
will  compel  them  to  come  in.  It  is  evident  that  between  a  capi- 
talist and  a  working  man  there  can  be  no  true  freedom  of 
contract.  The  capitalist  is  invulnerable  in  his  wealth.  The 
working  man  without  bread  has  no  choice  but  either  to  agree 
or  to  hunger  in  his  hungry  home.  For  this  cause  "  freedom 
of  contract "  has  been  the  gospel  of  employers ;  and  they  have 
resented  hotly  any  intervention  of  any  peacemaker.  They  have 
claimed  that  no  one  can  come  between  them  and  their  men ;  that 
their  relation  to  them  is  a  private,  almost  a  domestic  affair. 
They  forget  that  when  thousands  of  women  and  children  suffer 
while  they  are  refusing  to  grant  a  penny  more  in  wages,  or 
an  hour  less  in  work,  there  is  a  wide  field  of  misery  caused 
by  their  refusal,  which  prolongs  a  strike.  It  is  then  no  private 
affair,  but  a  public  evil  which  excites  the  public  condemnation. 
And  more  than  this  —  a  handful  of  miserable  men  harshly 
treated  grows  to  a  mob,  and  a  mob  soon  grows  to  a  multitude, 
and  a  multitude  soon  grows  beyond  its  own  control,  and  when 
batoned  by  police  and  angered  by  the  ostentatious  presence  of 
soldiers,  horse  and  foot,  breaks  into  flight  and  scours  the  streets, 
wrecking,  robbing,  and  looting,  without  aim  or  reason.  Again, 
as  more  recently,  for  a  month  the  streets  of  London  were  choked 


ElSrCYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII  173 

day  by  day  with  processions  of  tens  of  thousands.     Disorder, 
and  horse  play,  which  at  any  moment  might  turn  to  collisions 
with   the   people   or   the   police,    were   imminent;    these   were 
sharpened  by  disappointment,  and  irritated  by  refusal  of  an 
additional  penny  an  hour.     At  any  moment  a  drunkard,  or  a 
madman,  or  a  fool,  might  have  set  fire  to  the  docks  and  ware- 
houses.    The  commercial  wealth  of  London  and  the  merchan- 
dise of  the  world,  the  banks  and  wharves  of  the  Thames,  might 
have  been  pillaged ;  and  the  conflagration  might  have  spread  for 
hours  before  order,   at  unimaginable  loss,   could  be  restored. 
And  all  this  because  a  strike  is  "  a  matter  bet^veen  us  and  our 
men."     They  were  reminded  that  there  were  two  other  parties 
interested  between  masters  and  men,  the  multitude  of  suffering 
women  and  children,  and  the  whole  peaceful  population  of  Lon- 
don.    At  a  certain  stage  of  such  a  conflict,  either  or  both  of 
tbese  parties  have  a  social,  civic,  and  natural  right  to  inter- 
vene to  protect  the  public  safety.     Leo  XIII  in  such  cases  goes 
beyond  the  intervention  of  peacemakers  in  a  voluntary  effort 
to  reconcile  contending  parties.     He  affirms  that  the  State  may 
intei*vene.     '^  If,"  he  says,  "  by  a  strike  or  other  combination 
of  workmen,  there  should  be  imminent  danger  of  disturbance 
to  the  public  peace,  or  if  circumstances  were  such  that  among 
the  laboring  population  the  ties  of  family  life  were  relaxed 
.  .  .  finally,  if  health  were  endangered  by  excessive  labor,  or 
by  work  unsuited  to  sex  or  age,  in  these  cases  there  can  be  no 
question  that  within  certain  limits  it  would  be  right  to  call 
in  the  help  and  authority  of  the  law."     So  little  does  the  En- 
cyclical recognize  the  absolutism  of  employers,   and  so  fully 
does  it  justify  the  action  of  Parliament  in  the  Commission  on 
Sweating,  in  the  Commission  on  the  Hours  of  Labor,  and  now 
in  the  Commission  of  Labor  in  all  its  relations  to  Capital.     Leo 
XIII  gives  to  legislators  a  supreme  counsel : 

"  The  laws  should  be  beforehand  and  prevent  these  troubles 
from  arising,  they  should  lend  their  influence  and  authority 
to  the  removal  in  good  time  of  the  causes  which  tend  to  con- 
flicts between  masters  and  those  whom  they  employ." 

This,  as  he  especially  urges,  ought  to  be  provided  for  by 
voluntary  tribunals  of  arbitration,  composed  of  employers  and 
employed  in  their  respective  unions  or  associations;  and  when 


174  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

DO  such  provisions  of  previous  legislation  exist,  if  Parliament 
is  not  assembled  and  danger  is  urgent,  it  is  the  right  and  the 
duty  of  every  loyal  man,  who  loves  his  country  and  his  people, 
at  any  cost  or  danger  to  himself,  to  come  between  the  parties 
in  conflict,  and  to  bring  them,  if  he  can,  to  peace. 

The  Encyclical  then,  in  a  few  s%Tnpathetic  words,  treats  of 
the  employment  of  women  and  children  Of  women  it  says: 
"  They  are  not  suited  to  certain  trades :  for  woman  is  by  nature 
fitted  for  home  work,  and  it  is  that  which  is  best  adapted  at 
once  to  preserve  her  modesty,  and  to  promote  the  good  bring- 
ing-up  of  children  and  the  well-being  of  the  family."  As  we 
read  these  words,  the  chainmakers  of  Cradley  Heath,  the  pit- 
brow  women  of  the  mines,  and  the  mothers  in  our  factories 
rise  before  us.  Here  is  a  moral  case  to  be  solved.  A  woman 
enters  for  life  into  a  sacred  contract  with  a  man  before  God  and 
the  altar,  to  fulfill  to  him  the  duties  of  wife,  mother,  and  head 
of  his  home.  Is  it  lawful  for  her,  even  with  his  consent,  to 
make  afterwards  a  second  contract  for  so  many  shillings  a  week 
with  a  mill  owner,  whereby  she  becomes  unable  to  provide  her 
husband's  food,  train  up  her  children,  or  do  the  duties  of  her 
home?  It  is  no  question  of  the  lawfulness  of  gaining  a  few 
more  shillings  for  the  expenses  of  a  family,  but  of  the  lawful- 
ness of  breaking  a  prior  contract  —  the  most  solemn  between 
man  and  woman.  Xo  arguments  of  expediency  can  be  admitted. 
It  is  an  obligation  of  conscience  to  which  all  things  must  give 
way.  The  duties  of  home  must  first  be  done,  then  other 
questions  may  be  entertained.  Till  then  nothing.  Some  peo- 
ple seem  to  think  that  our  statute  law  is  of  high  perfection, 
because  it  forbids  mothers  to  return  to  work  for  three  weeks 
or  a  month  after  childbirth.  By  a  higher  law,  the  law  of  na- 
ture, the  whole  care  and  time  of  the  mother  is  due  to  the  child ; 
a  mother's  instincts  ought  to  prevail  over  aU  lower  motives. 
There  can  be  no  home  where  a  mother  does  not  nurture  her  own 
infant ;  and  where  there  is  no  home,  there  is  no  domestic  life, 
and  where  the  domestic  life  of  a  people  is  undermined,  their 
social  and  political  life  rests  on  sand.  To  this  it  will  be  an- 
swered :  that  without  the  mother's  earnings  the  children  would 
not  be  fed.  To  this  there  are  many  answers.  The  minimima 
of  wages  would  suffice,  if  the  relations  of  capital  and  labor  were 


ENCYCLICAL  OF  POPE  LEO  XIII  1Y5 

even  just;  much  more,  if  generous.  Already  men  have  com- 
plained that  employers  prefer  the  cheaper  work  of  women,  and 
women  are  finding  that  employers  prefer  the  cheaper  work  of 
children.  It  is  the  old  formula  of  modern  political  economy, 
"  sell  in  the  dearest  market,  and  buy  in  the  cheapest."  What 
is  cheaper  than  the  work  of  women  and  half-timers  ?  A  normal 
state  of  wage  earning  would  put  back  every  wife  into  her  home 
in  the  midst  of  her  children. 

Finally,  the  Encyclical  speaks  in  few  but  comprehensive 
words  of  the  labor  of  children.  "  In  regard  to  children,  great 
care  should  be  taken  not  to  place  them  in  workshops  and  fac- 
tories until  their  bodies  and  minds  are  sufficiently  mature.  For 
just  as  rough  weather  destroys  the  buds  of  spring,  so  too  early 
an  experience  of  life's  hard  work  blights  the  young  promise 
of  a  child's  powers,  and  makes  any  real  education  impossible." 
There  is  a  tenderness  and  wisdom  in  these  words  which  makes 
all  comment  needless.  Indeed,  they  exhaust  the  subject.  The 
condition  of  child-labor  fifty  years  ago  cannot  now  be  conceived 
by  those  who  have  only  seen  the  half-timers  of  Lancashire  and 
Yorkshire.  Children  hardly  out  of  infancy  were  then  over- 
crowded in  rooms,  ill-ventilated,  the  air  of  which  became  poison- 
ous. They  were  set  to  picking  cotton  and  other  like  materials, 
of  which  the  filaments  and  the  fluff  affected  the  organs  of  res- 
piration. Our  Legislature  very  tardily  and  after  long  conten- 
tion made  such  child-labor  imlawful.  Names  of  political  his- 
tory are  to  he  found  resisting  every  advance  of  this  humane 
legislation.  They  prophesied  the  ruin  of  our  manufacturers  if 
the  labor  of  infants  were  forbidden,  as  men  are  prophesying  now 
the  downfall  of  our  commerce  if  we  save  the  half-timers  from 
the  premature  toil  which  mars  their  education,  exhausts  their 
health,  and  checks  the  normal  development  of  body  and  of 
brain.  All  the  chief  Powers  of  Europe,  and  many  of  the  lesser 
States,  agreed  at  Berlin  to  raise  the  minimum  age  for  child- 
labor  to  twelve  years.  Many  have  done  it :  some  have  raised  it 
to  thirteen.  We  voted,  and  therefore  pledged  our  honor  and 
our  humanity,  to  raise  the  minimum  age  to  twelve.  We  have 
not  done  it.  Our  rulers  have  refused  to  do  it.  With  a  niggard 
will  we  are  raising  it  after  a  year's  delay  to  eleven.  The  words 
of  Leo  XIII  will  sear  us  till  we  raise  it  at  least  to  twelve. 


176  CHUECH  AND  LAEOR 

Such  then  in  outline  is  the  teaching  of  Leo  XIII.  We  have, 
at  the  risk  of  breaking  the  continuity  of  narrative,  given  the 
very  words  of  the  Encyclical,  arranging  them  in  the  main  order 
of  the  subject-matter  as  to  human  society  and  its  morbid  parasite 
of  Socialism;  as  to  the  Church,  the  supernatural  Society,  and 
the  salvation  of  the  political  order  of  the  world ;  as  to  the  State 
in  its  relation  to  the  world  of  labor;  and  finally,  as  to  the 
workers,  their  liberty  and  their  homes. 

The  Voice  of  the  Good  Shepherd  has  been  heard  by  the 
flock  spread  throughout  the  world  with  a  loving,  thankful,  and 
joyous  assent.  It  has  been  heard  by  sovereigns  and  statesmen, 
and  men  of  every  calling  and  of  every  measure  of  culture,  with 
a  respectful  attention  never  before  given  to  any  Pontifical 
utterance.  It  has  been  heard  by  the  millions  of  the  world  of 
labor,  and  they  have  recognized  the  accents  of  the  Father's  love 
and  s^Tupathy.  In  truth,  the  Encyclical,  both  in  matter  and 
in  manner  of  treatment,  comes  home  to  the  intelligence  and 
heart  of  this  day  with  the  simplicity  of  a  household  world. 
Who  does  not  know  what  labor  is  ?  And  who  is  not  a  sharer  in 
its  interests  or  sympathies  or  sufferings  ?  Now,  there  is  only 
one  person  who  represents  two  things  which  men  think  irrecon- 
cilable —  power  and  poverty ;  the  Vicar  of  our  Lord  "  who, 
though  he  was  rich,  yet  for  our  sakes  became  poor," —  he  only 
knows  both  and  can  speak  to  both  as  a  partaker  in  both. 

For  a  century  the  civil  Powers  in  almost  all  the  Christian 
world  have  been  separating  themselves  from  the  Church,  claim- 
ing and  glorying  in  their  separation.  They  have  set  up  the 
State  as  a  purely  lay  and  secular  society,  and  have  thrust  the 
Church  from  them.  And  now  of  a  sudden  they  find  that  the 
millions  of  the  world  sympathize  with  the  Church,  which  has 
compassion  on  the  multitude,  rather  than  with  the  State,  or  the 
plutocracy  which  has  weighed  so  heavily  upon  them. 


S.  PASTORAL   LETTER   ON   THE   LABORER'S 

RIGHTS 

By  Cardinal  O^Connell^  Akchbishop  of  Boston 

The  time  of  Advent  set  apart  by  the  Church  to  prepare  the 
minds  of  men  for  the  coming  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  seems  an 
appropriate  one,  Venerable  Brethren  of  the  clergy  and  laity,  to 
open  my  pastoral  heart  to  you  on  a  subject  vitally  connected 
with  your  domestic,  civil  and  spiritual  peace.  ^ 

The  social  problem  of  the  relations  between  employers  and 
employed  appears  to  be  the  one  most  fraught  with  danger  to 
our  peaceful  living.  It  has  been  many  times  in  the  past  the 
source  of  widespread  discord  and  disorder,  and  may  in  the 
future  prove  a  danger  to  the  public  peace  unless  some  remedy 
can  be  found  to  better  our  social  conditions.  The  hostile  atti- 
tude of  one  set  of  men  against  another  is  always  prejudicial  to 
the  permanence  of  peaceful  relations ;  but  when  two  classes 
are  arrayed  in  antagonism  and  distrust,  each  against  the  other, 
the  one  with  the  resources  of  wealth  and  power  behind  it,  the 
other  with  the  force  of  numbers  to  make  its  influence  felt,  society 
is  menaced  by  impending  outbreaks,  and  the  peace  of  families, 
the  tranquillity  of  the  State  and  the  normal  calm  engendered 
by  religion  are  imperiled. 

To  find  a  way  out  of  these  social  dangers,  to  reconcile  con- 
flicting interests,  to  lay  do\vn  a  basis  for  the  just  and  equit- 
able settlement  of  differences  between  employers  and  workers  is 
a  call  to  an  apostolate  of  the  highest  service,  which  everv'  lover 
of  his  faith  and  of  his  country  should  heed,  and  to  which  ever)"- 
Christian  and  every  patriot  may  well  consecrate  his  best  en- 
deavors. 

Justice  and  charity,  two  of  the  noblest  Christian  virtues, 
hold  a  foremost  place  in  any  genuine  crusade  for  social  better- 
ment, and  make  the  cause  a  holy  one  that  appeals  even  more 
strongly  to  the  churchman  than  to  the  statesman. 

177 


178  CHimCH  AND  LABOK 

The  proper  consideration  of  the  problem  depends  much  on 
the  way  in  which  we  approach  it.  The  initial  mistake  that  is 
made  in  trying  to  find  a  solution  is  in  viewing  the  question  as 
a  merely  economic  one.  The  lives  and  happiness  of  millions 
of  human  beings  are  involved  in  the  issue;  and  this  gives  it  a 
moral  aspect  which  cannot  be  ignored.  It  is  much  more  than 
an  economic  problem.  From  the  moment  that  the  well-being 
of  individuals  and  families  is  concerned  in  any  question  at 
issue,  it  is  lifted  out  of  the  domain  of  mere  economics.  Bald 
political  economy,  with  its  inflexible  law  of  supply  and  de- 
mand, can  no  longer  cope  with  it.  The  reciprocal  rights  and 
duties  inhering  in  the  personality  and  position  of  those  who 
are  making  claims  and  of  those  who  are  resisting  them,  enter 
in  and  create  at  once  a  moral  issue.  In  the  long  run  dollars 
and  cents  are  powerless  before  a  just  human  right,  and  must 
give  way  in  every  community  ruled  by  principles  of  justice. 

The  question  of  human  rights  that  is  involved  in  the  issue 
between  capital  and  labor  goes  deeper  down  than  any  legal 
enactment  concerning  them.  In  fact,  much  of  the  confusion 
of  thought  surroimding  the  problem  springs  from  a  faulty  con- 
ception of  the  fundamental  sources  of  human  society.  There  is 
a  tendency  to-day  to  exalt  unduly  the  State,  and  to  regard  it 
as  the  creator  of  all  the  rights  and  privileges  which  we  enjoy, 
and  to  look  to  it  for  the  solution  of  all  our  problems.  Such  a 
position  is  philosophically  and  historically  false.  The  family 
is,  by  nature  and  in  fact,  anterior  to  the  State.  There  are  cer- 
tain inherent  individual  and  family  rights  that  spring  from 
nature  itself  and  from  the  fundamental  relations  established 
by  the  Creator  in  the  universe  which  antedate  the  constitution  of 
States  or  the  enactments  of  civil  law.  The  authority  of  the 
parent  over  his  child,  his  right  to  provide  for  his  family,  the 
choice  of  the  kind  of  education  his  children  shall  receive  — 
all  these  fundamental  rights  are  rooted  in  the  very  nature  of 
family  life.  So  also  the  rights  of  conscience  are  inherent 
in  the  individual.  They  were  not  created  by  the  State.  They 
are  anterior  to  it  by  nature  and  in  fact.  But  if  the  State  is 
not  the  creator  of  them,  the  State  should  be  the  conserver  and 
respecter  of  them.  For  it  was  precisely  to  safeguard  these 
primary  rights  of  the  individual  and  of  the  family  that  States 


LETTER  ON"  THE  LABOEER'S  RIGHTS       1Y9 

were  formed.  To  the  fact  that  man  is  by  nature  a  social  be- 
ing, made  so  by  his  Creator,  and  to  the  natural  need  of  in- 
dividuals and  families  of  protecting  their  primary  and  natural 
rights,  which  alone  and  isolated  they  had  not  the  strength  to 
defend  against  unjust  aggression,  States  owe  their  origin  and 
formation.  It  is  the  province  of  the  State  in  consonance  with 
its  origin  to  protect  those  fundamental,  individual  and  family 
rights,  not  to  invade  them 

Now,  the  right  of  a  man  to  provide  for  his  family  is  a  nat- 
ural one.  In  the  exercise  of  this  right  he  may  sell  his  labor 
for  what  he  considers  just  compensation,  or  may  refuse  hia 
labor  for  what  he  deems  an  inadequate  return.  The  measure 
which  he  must  use  in  determining  his  decision  is  that  imposed 
by  nature  itself.  He  must  support  his  family;  and  the  living 
wage  which  he  has  a  right  to  demand  according  to  the  teach- 
ing of  Leo  XIII,  of  blessed  memory,  is  the  one  which  will 
maintain  his  family  in  decent  and  frugal  comfort.  The  man 
who  accepts  less  through  necessity  or  fear  of  harder  conditions 
is  the  victim  of  force  and  injustice.  This  general  norm  of 
wage  does  not  exclude  the  special  claims  of  labor,  skilled  and 
unskilled,  which  according  to  the  degree  of  toil  or  danger  in- 
curred has  a  right  to  greater  compensation.  It  simply  means 
that  the  lowest  measure  of  compensation  must  be  the  decent 
maintenance  of  a  man  and  his  home. 

This  principle  is  based  on  soimd  political  economy  and  the 
highest  political  wisdom.  The  safety  of  the  State  depends  upon 
the  integrity  of  its  homes.  To  build  up  contented  homes  should 
be  the  aim  of  enlightened  legislation  as  well  as  the  scope  of 
every  movement  for  social  betterment.  The  source  of  the  na- 
tion's strength  lies  in  the  stable  and  well-ordered  home,  and  with- 
out it  national  greatness  swiftly  hastens  to  decay.  The  homeless 
man,  free  from  the  restraints  of  domestic  life,  may  easily  be- 
come a  menace,  and  to  diminish  such  a  danger  becomes  the 
duty  of  comprehensive  patriotic  statesmanship. 

The  maintenance  of  a  home,  then,  is  the  minimum  wage  dic- 
tated by  the  law  of  nature,  and  prompted  by  the  highest  public 
policy.  It  is  the  clear  right  of  the  wage-earner,  and  to  protect 
this  right  he  may  make  use  of  all  legitimate  means.  He  may 
combine  with  others  to  enforce  it  and  form  a  union  with  his  fel- 


180  CHURCH  A^B  LABOE 

low-w3rkers  to  exert  the  adequate  moral  power  to  maintain 
it  or  to  better  his  condition  within  the  limits  of  justice.  To 
deny  him  this  right  is  a  tyranny  and  an  injustice.  He  has  no 
other  way  to  safe^iard  his  interests.  The  rich  and  the  power- 
ful have  many  ways  which  they  do  not  hesitate  to  employ  to 
protect  their  investments;  the  working  man  has  only  the  sup- 
port of  peaceful  combination. 

Moreover,  workmen's  associations  may  peacefully  agitate  and 
seek  to  mold  public  opinion  in  their  favor  to  bring  about  a 
redress  of  real  grievances.  A  campaign  of  this  kind  must, 
however,  be  legitimately  conducted,  free  from  violations  of  jus- 
tice and  of  charity  and  of  the  public  peace.  Finally,  the 
worker,  in  the  last  resort,  has  the  right  to  refuse  to  work,  that  is 
to  strike,  and  to  induce  by  peaceful  and  lawful  methods  others 
to  strike  with  him,  when  this  extreme  measure  becomes  neces- 
sary to  mitigate  unendurable  conditions,  or  to  wrest  from  an 
unreasonable  employer  just  compensation  for  his  labor,  after 
all  other  measures  have  failed. 

All  this  is  the  teaching  of  the  illustrious  Pontiff  Leo  XIIT, 
in  his  now  famous  encyclical  "  On  the  Condition  of  the  Work- 
ingmen."  It  has  its  root  in  the  law  of  nature,  which  dictates 
that  a  man  has  a  natural  right  to  a  wage  which  will  main- 
tain his  home  in  frugal  and  reasonable  comfort.  All  the  other 
conclusions  which  we  have  laid  down  are  but  corollaries  flowing 
from  this  fundamental  principle,  on  the  ground  that  anyone 
who  possesses  a  natural  right  may  make  use  of  all  legitimate 
means  to  protect  it,  and  to  safeguard  it  from  violation. 

These  are  the  objective  principles  which  may  serve  as  guiding 
ones  in  contests  between  workers  and  employers,  and  if  loyally 
accepted  by  both  sides  would  undoubtedly  mitigate  the  bitter- 
ness that  often  arises  in  labor  disputes. 

The  principles  governing  the  conduct  of  employers  are  well 
known,  and  are  generally  accepted  as  the  only  safe  ones  which 
may  be  followed.  They  may  be  summed  up  as  follows :  Capital 
has  a  right  to  a  just  share  of  the  profits,  but  only  to  a  just  share. 
Employers  should  treat  those  who  work  under  them  with  hu- 
manity and  justice;  they  should  be  solicitous  for  the  health- 
ful conditions  of  the  places  where  workmen  daily  toil;  they 
should  use  all  reasonable  means  to  promote  the  material  and 


LETTER  OH^  THE  LABOEER'S  RIGHTS       181 

moral  well-being  of  their  employees.     They  should  be  kindly, 
humane  and  just  in  all  their  relations  with  them. 

We  are  well  aware  that  some  of  these  principles  find  no 
place  in  a  political  and  commercial  economy  which  has  become 
wholly  pagan.  We  are  convinced,  however,  that  the  social 
problem  of  the  relations  between  employers  and  workers  can 
never  be  settled  on  any  other  than  a  Christian  basis.  The  at- 
titude of  each  towards  the  other  must  radically  change  round 
to  a  Christian  one,  else  we  shall  have  the  spectacle  of  two  op- 
posing forces  facing  each  other  in  a  hostile  spirit,  each  stub- 
bornly insisting  on  its  pound  of  flesh,  with  no  thought  of  the 
Christian  brotherhood  which  ought  to  bind  them  together. 

The  present  deplorable  situation  in  the  world  of  labor  has 
been  brought  about  by  neglect  of  Christian  principles,  and  by 
the  attempt  to  put  this  question  on  a  material  basis  only.  On 
the  other  hand,  riches  and  power  bring  danger  in  their  train 
unless  moral  rectitude  and  moral  standards  are  accepted  as 
guiding  sign  posts  along  the  way  of  life.  Money  gives  power, 
and  it  may  be  sought  after  too  anxiously  without  due  regard  to 
the  principles  of  justice. 

St.  Paul  has  declared  in  the  sixth  chapter  of  his  first  epistle 
to  Timothy  that  "  the  desire  of  money  is  the  root  of  all  evil," 
meaning,  of  course,  its  inordinate  and  greedy  desire.  Men  are 
forgetting  these  principles.  They  are  making  too  much  of 
money  for  money's  sake.  They  have  forgotten  the  injunction 
of  the  Saviour  given  in  the  twelfth  chapter  of  St.  Luke :  "  Take 
heed  and  beware  of  all  covetousness ;  for  a  man's  life  doth  not 
consist  in  the  abundance  of  things  which  he  possesseth."  There 
is  need  of  this  solemn  warning. 

Men  with  money  should  be  careful  to  regard  it  as  a  means 
to  do  good  rather  than  an  end.  They  should  beware  lest  its 
possession  mals:e  them  arrogant,  tyrannical  and  despisers  of 
their  less  fortunate  brethren.  The  great  restraining  force 
against  these  natural  tendencies  is  the  spirit  of  religion,  which 
subdues  while  it  strengthens,  and  sanctifies  while  it  chastens. 
Whether  as  individuals  or  as  members  of  corporate  bodies,  men 
of  wealth  must  remember  that  the  Christian  law  obliges  them 
in  one  capacity  as  in  the  other.  There  is  no  double  moral 
standard,  no  loophole  of  escape  from  the  sanctions  which  the 


182  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

moral  law  of  Christ  imposes.  Men  of  wealth  should  not  buy 
tliat  which  is  not  sellable  according  to  Christian  ethics.  It  is 
an  abuse  of  their  wealth  and  an  infraction  of  the  moral  code, 
and  a  crime  against  society. 

The  merely  natural  outlook  has  produced  another  idea  of 
wealth  which  is  a  source  of  danger.  Men  regard  themselves  as 
absolute  owners  of  what  they  possess,  and  claim  the  right  to  do 
with  it  what  the}'  please.  In  one  sense  this  is  true.  They  are 
o\\Tiers,  and  exclusive  owners.  But  there  is  a  law  higher  than 
themselves,  and  there  is  a  God  above  them.  To  stand  stub- 
bornly upon  individual  ground  and  because  they  are  owners 
to  absolve  themselves  from  all  obligations  to  society  and  their 
weaker  brethren,  is  paganism  pure  and  simple.  In  reality  they 
are,  according  to  the  Divine  Word,  stewards  of  God.  The 
greater  their  wealth,  the  greater  their  responsibilities. 

Before  the  so-called  Reformation  this  was  the  Christian  con- 
ception of  we-alth,  as  anyone  who  will  read  the  records  of  his- 
tory will  readily  see.  There  was  poverty,  but  no  pauperism. 
The  rich  man  saw  in  the  poor  his  brethren  in  Jesus  Christ,  and 
was  well  content  to  share  his  treasures  on  earth,  that  he  might 
lay  up  for  himself  treasures  in  heaven. 

The  individualistic  principle  of  life  was  introduced  by  the 
revolt  against  the  authority  of  the  Church.  The  unity  of  faith 
was  broken  and  Christendom  ceased  to  be  one  great  organic 
social  body,  one  brotherhood  in  Christ.  Once  granted  the  prin- 
ciple that  man  can  choose,  as  he  would  a  garment,  his  own  re- 
ligion, the  most  supreme  issue  of  life,  the  way  is  open  for  him 
to  have  his  own  way  in  things  of  all  moral  import.  The  di- 
rect tendency  of  the  spirit  of  individualism  is  to  breed  self- 
sufficiency  and  selfishness.  That  it  does  not  always  do  so  is 
owing  solely  to  the  fact  that  it  is  not  always  carried  out  to  its 
logical  outcome. 

There  is  need  of  a  return  to  old  Catholic  ideals.  Men  must 
learn  to  give  to  every  cause  of  religion  and  charity  and  mutual 
help,  in  proportion  to  their  means.  Rich  men  should  bear  in 
mind  that  they  shall  one  day  hear  the  voice  of  the  Master  of 
all  saying,  "  Render  an  account  of  thy  stewardship."  There 
must  be  a  generous  recognition,  on  the  part  of  those  whom  God 
has  blessed  with  abundance,  of  their  obligations  to  society  and 


LETTER  ON  THE  LABORER'S  RIGHTS       183 

the  poorer  members  of  the  human  family.  The  Christian  spirit 
must  be  enkindled  in  the  soul,  and  this  will  of  itself  arouse  tho 
noble  and  generous  disposition  to  approach  conflicts  with  a 
calm  and  balanced  mind,  and  with  a  readiness  to  listen  to  higher 
impulses  than  the  mere  desire  for  victory  over  helpless  and 
oftentimes  maddened  men,  who,  alas,  too  often  have  good  rea- 
son to  believe  that  the  rich  have  lost  all  sense  of  kindly  feeling 
and  think  only  of  themselves. 

On  the  other  hand,  workers  are  just  as  much  bound  by  the 
Christian  law  as  their  employers.  This  fact  seems  to  be  lost 
sight  of  at  times,  and  men  give  way  to  their  baser  impulses. 
The  spirit  of  envy  generates  discontent,  and  the  attitude  of 
the  laborer  towards  his  employer  becomes  un-Christian  and 
pagan.  There  is  a  disposition,  too,  to  regard  work  as  an  intoler- 
able burden  to  be  gotten  rid  of  as  soon  as  possible,  and  with 
as  little  effort  as  possible.  This  is  contrary  to  Christian  teach- 
ing. The  Wise  Man  in  Ecclesiastes,  who  had  tasted  all  the 
pleasures  of  life,  was  forced  to  confess:  "  For  I  have  found  that 
there  is  nothing  better  for  a  man  than  to  rejoice  in  his  work." 
This  natural  discontent  is  fomented  and  intensified  by  the 
noisy  agitators  of  Socialism,  the  enemies  of  God  and  man,  who 
would  overturn  the  foundations  upon  which  human  society  is 
built,  and  exile  God  from  His  universe. 

This  singular  set  of  men,  who  seek  to  conceal  the  malice 
of  their  real  principles,  but  who  cannot,  are  a  brood  of  dis- 
turbers. Their  doctrines  are  an  abomination  striking  at  the 
foundations  of  family  life  and  religion.  Their  spirit  is  not 
new.  A  similar  class  of  men  were  graphically  described  by 
St.  Paul,  in  his  second  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians :  "  For 
also  when  we  were  with  you,  this  we  declared  unto  you:  that 
if  any  man  shall  not  work,  neither  let  him  eat.  For  we  have 
heard  there  are  some  among  you  who  waUv  disorderly,  working 
not  at  all,  but  curiously  meddling.  Now  we  charge  them  that 
are  such,  and  beseech  them  by  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  work- 
ing with  silence,  they  would  eat  their  own  bread." 

There  is  not,  and  cannot  be  a  Catholic  Socialist.  Leo  XIII 
has  rejected  such  a  fellowship  in  his  immortal  encyclical.  The 
principles  of  Socialism  are  utterly  opposed  to  the  principles  of 
Christianity.     They  are  mutually  destructive  of  each  other. 


184  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

Certain  misguided  Christians  may  call  themselves  Socialists,  but 
objectively,  a  Catholic  Socialist  is  an  utter  impossibility. 

Another  source  of  unrest  among  working  people,  and  one 
against  which  they  must  be  warned,  is  the  desire  to  give  them- 
selves over  too  much  to  the  pleasures  of  life.  It  is  directly 
contrary  to  the  Christian,  Catholic  spirit.  It  leads  people  to 
live  beyond  their  incomes,  and  is  the  fruitful  source  of  family 
troubles  and  discontent  with  one's  station  of  life.  A  Christian 
people  should  ever  remember  that  the  Christian  life  is  one  of 
restraint.  Legitimate  recreations  are  good,  but  not  the  sur- 
render of  the  heart  to  the  pleasures  of  this  life.  They  should 
bear  in  mind  the  warning  of  St.  Paul,  that  among  those  who 
make  dangerous  times  in  the  history  of  the  world  are  "  lovers 
more  of  pleasures  than  of  God."  More  economy  at  home  and 
less  perpetual  seeking  of  empty  pleasure  would  remove  much 
of  the  unnecessary  discontent  and  murmuring  which,  even  with- 
out real  cause,  we  hear  on  many  sides. 

The  social  problem  of  the  relations  between  employers  and 
workers  must  be  solved  on  a  Christian  basis,  or  not  at  all. 
They  must  face  each  other  in  the  proper  frame  of  mind  spring- 
ing from  a  Christian  spirit,  before  even  an  initial  step  toward 
permanent  betterment  can  be  effected.  Employers  and  workers 
must  regard  each  other  as  brothers  in  the  same  gi'eat  brotherhood 
of  Christ.  The  Church  by  her  teaching  inculcates  the  only 
sure  method  of  social  regeneration.  She  would  purify  the 
hearts  of  men  of  selfishness,  greed,  envy  and  hatred,  which  stand 
in  the  way  of  a  better  understanding.  She  abolished  slavery, 
in  spite  of  opposition  coming  from  human  interests,  and  made 
men  socially  free.  She  protected  and  fostered  the  working- 
men's  guilds  of  the  Middle  Ages,  using  every  means  in  her 
power  to  keep  the  workers  under  the  gracious  and  mellowing 
influence  of  religion.  She  alone  can  be  the  regenerator  of  the 
social  commonwealth  in  the  conditions  which  confront  us  to- 
t^ay. 

When  the  worker  imbibing  her  spirit  will  look  upon  labor 
as  a  conscientious  duty  to  be  done  with  care  and  diligence,  and 
when  the  employer  accepting  her  teaching  will  be  content  with 
reasonable   profit   and   treat   the   laborer   generously   and   hu- 


LETTER  OX  THE  LABORER'S  RIGHTS       185 

manely,  the  battle  will  be  already  won,  and  peace  will  descend 
and  bless  both  for  their  loyal  Christian  and  Catholic  spirit. 

We  exhort  all,  both  employers  and  workmen,  to  enter  upon 
this  holy  crusade  of  Christian  emulation,  to  make  everv  effort 
for  a  lasting  peace,  to  shut  out  from  their  ranks  Socialistic  dis- 
turbers, to  be  loyal  adherents  to  the  Church,  faithfully  follow- 
ing and  carr3"ing  out  in  their  daily  lives  the  teachings  of  the 
illustrious  Leo,  that,  human  passion  laid  aside  and  put  out  of 
the  lives  of  the  Church's  children,  the  Prince  of  Peace  may  reign 
over  a  tranquil  and  contented  people. 

Let  the  Societies  of  the  Holy  ISTame,  now  so  well  established 
and  so  flourishing  throughout  this  diocese,  serve  as  the  great 
spiritual  centres  whence  shall  radiate  this  spirit  of  religious, 
domestic  and  social  peace  and  harmony.  Let  the  doctrines  of 
the  Church  and  the  principles  of  her  Pontiffs  and  Bishops, 
elucidating  the  economic  conditions  of  her  children  and  their 
corresponding  duties,  be  studied  and  learned  well  at  the  meet- 
ings of  this  Confraternity. 

When  our  people  have  begun  to  understand  better  the  malice 
of  those  who,  under  the  cover  of  friendship,  stir  up  strife,  and 
when  they  realize  that  the  law  of  Christ  alone  can  make  them 
all  free,  and  that  not  dollars,  but  peace  and  contentment,  are 
the  richest  and  most  precious  possessions  in  life,  then  will 
the  clamor  of  these  noisy  hawkers  of  poisonous  social  panaceas 
appear  what  it  is  in  very  truth,  the  vicious  propaganda  of 
enemies  of  the  Christian  faith,  and  deceitful  disturbers  of  the 
peace  of  States. 

During  the  Holy  Season  of  Advent  we  charge  those  having 
care  of  souls  to  instruct  their  people  in  the  true  doctrine  of  the 
Church  concerning  their  duties  in  the  realm  of  labor;  to  pro- 
claim again  to  the  workman  that  the  consolations  which  reli- 
gion holds  out  to  him  are  the  only  real  and  lasting  foundations 
of  true  happiness  below;  and  that  the  envy,  the  jealousy  and 
hatred  of  class  only  render  more  and  more  bitter  the  contest 
which,  even  were  it  victorious,  would  end  only  in  the  ashes  of 
disillusionment. 

Let  them  announce  fearlessly  to  the  rich  the  duties  of  their 
station,  and  the  responsibility  of  their  stewardship.     Let  them 


186  CHUKCH  AND  LABOR 

be  courageous  and  stand,  as  the  Church  has  ever  stood,  as 
the  defender  of  the  weak,  the  poor  and  the  oppressed,  warning 
them,  however,  of  their  solemn  duty  and  just  obligations. 

So  may  these  days  be  sacredly  employed  to  bring  about  that 
peace  to  men  of  good  will,  which  the  Christ  Child  came  to 
establish  on  earth  when  the  first  Christmas  dawned  over  Beth- 
lehem. 

May  the  Blessed  Saviour  and  Eedeemer  of  men  send  among 
us,  during  these  days  of  preparation,  the  fire  of  His  Holy  love, 
that  its  glow  and  wannth  may  cast  out  the  darkness  of  false 
doctrines  and  the  chill  of  un-Christian  distrust  and  unfriendli- 
ness, so  that  we  may  all,  rich  and  poor,  employer  and  employed, 
gather  around  the  crib  of  the  Divine  Child  with  Mary  and 
Joseph  to  adore  our  God,  Whose  first  law  is  that  of  light  and 
love.     And  may  the  blessings  of  God  be  with  you  always. 

Given  at  Boston,  on  the  Feast  of  St.  Clement,  November  2M, 
1912. 


4.     PASTOEAL  LETTER  ON  CATHOLICS  AND 
SOCIAL  REEORM 

By  Caedinal  Bourne,  Archbishop  of  Westminster 
Editor's  Introduction 

The  first  appeal  for  a  post-war  Catholic  reconstruction  of 
the  social  order,  heard  the  world  over,  was  the  ringing  mes- 
sage of  Cardinal  Bourne,  sent  out  in  the  early  part  of  the 
year  1918,  months  before  the  end  of  the  gigantic  struggle  of 
the  nations.  The  words  of  the  English  Prelate,  written  with 
the  history  and  conditions  of  his  own  country  primarily  in 
mind,  are  filled  with  wise  counsel,  encouragement  and  inspira- 
tion for  all.  Their  bold  and  pregnant  statements  recalled,  at 
the  time,  the  pronouncements  of  another  great  churchman  who 
had  occupied  the  same  official  position,  as  Archbishop  of  West- 
minster, the  famous  Cardinal  Manning.  To  this  the  editor  of 
the  London  Month  felicitously  alluded  in  a  passage  which  may 
here  best  serve  our  purpose  of  introduction.  We  quote  from 
the  issue  of  March,  1918,  as  it  records  the  impression  then 
created  and  describes  the  circumstances  of  the  Pastoral : 

Just  over  forty-four  years  ago  the  Archbishop  of  Westminster 
delivered  a  memorable  lecture  at  the  Mechanics*  Institution,  Leeds, 
on  "  The  Dignity  and  Rights  of  Labor."  It  was  a  bold  pronounce- 
ment for  those  days,  when  the  shadow  of  the  old  political  economy 
lay  heavy  on  the  worker,  but  Archbishop  Manning  never  lacked 
courage  in  defense  of  the  oppressed  and,  in  that  lecture,  he  claimed 
not  only  reverence  for  the  dignity  of  labor  but  a  full  acknowledg- 
ment of  its  rights.  Moreover,  he  showed  that  those  rights  were 
exactly  the  same  as  those  possessed  by  capital:  the  right  of  personal 
ownership,  the  right  of  liberty,  the  right  of  association.  It  was  a 
clear  declaration,  as  far  as  it  went,  of  the  Christian  ideal  as  opposed 
to  that  of  the  Servile  State. 

Now  in  days  far  different,  another  Archbishop  of  Westminster  has 
with  even  greater  force  and  clearness  and  fullness  come  forward  to 
state  for  the  benefit  of  his  flock  the  judgment  of  Christianity  on 

187 


18S  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

present  social  and  industrial  conditions,  and  the  principles  which 
must  be  followed  in  the  coming  reconstruction  of  society,  if  it  is  to 
be  built  upon  peace  and  justice. 

This  keen  diagnosis  of  our  social  and  economic  ills,  wherein  their 
origin  and  history  are  carefully  traced  and  their  remedies  boldly 
prescribed,  comes  with  aU  the  freshness  of  a  real,  living  and  life- 
giving  Evangel  in  the  midst  of  the  earth-found  projects  of  the 
modern  economist,  long  unaccustomed  to  regard  man  as  God's  crea- 
ture and  to  base  human  rights  on  the  Divine  eternal  law.  Into  this 
masterly  document,  in  brief  compass  yet  without  confusion,  are 
compressed  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  Catholic  social  reform,  so 
eloquently  voiced  by  Leo  XIII  and  Pius  X,  and  the  spirit  of  Him 
who  "  had  compassion  on  the  multitudes "  breathes  through  the 
whole. 

Through  the  splendid  enterprise  of  the  Westminster  Catholic  Feder- 
ation this  great  pronouncement  was  promulgated,  urhi  if  not  orhi,  by 
its  insertion  ^  in  the  Times  of  February  15,  and,  we  understand,  in 
other  leading  papers,  and  it  cannot  fail  to  bring  before  the  eyes  of 
thousands  of  outsiders,  the  stirring  message  which  Catholicity  has  for 
a  war-weary  and  sin-cursed  world. 

The  Pastoral 

The  times  through  which  we  are  passing  are  fraught  with 
anxiety  of  every  kind.  It  is  not  necessary  to  gaze  upon  the 
conflict  of  nations  which  afflicts  the  world  to  find  matter  of 
serious  concern.  At  home,  in  our  own  midst  there  are  signs  of 
trouble  and  disturbance,  only  very  partially  revealed  in  the 
public  press,  but  well  known  to  those  in  authority,  which  por- 
tend the  possibility  of  grave  social  upheaval  in  the  future. 

It  is  admitted  on  all  hands  that  a  new  order  of  things,  new 
social  conditions,  new  relations  between  the  different  sections 
into  which  society  is  divided,  will  arise  as  a  consequence  of  the 
destruction  of  the  formerly  existing  situation.  In  this  trans- 
formation, which  will  be  for  better  or  worse,  the  Catholic 
Church  has  her  own  special  duty  to  perform,  and  her  own  part 
to  play.  What  is  that  part  to  be  in  our  own  nation,  and  in 
the  Empire? 

Before  we  answer  this  momentous  question  it  is  important 
that  we  should  understand  how  the  present  conflict  has  arisen, 
and  endeavor  to  trace  its  causes,  summarily  at  least,  far  be- 
yond the  events  of  the  summer  of  1914. 

1  The  insertion  referred  to  was  possible  only  as  a  paid  advertisement. 


CATHOLICS  A^"D  SOCIAL  EEFOKM  ISO 

We  may  in  this  summary  consider  first  the  principles  which 
in  the  main  governed  the  various  classes  of  this  nation,  and 
of  other  Christian  nations,  in  their  dealings  with  one  another, 
prior  to  the  religious  disiTiption  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Men 
then,  as  now,  desired  to  make  their  way  in  life ;  they  entered 
into  competition  with  one  another;  they  were  prone,  then  as 
now,  to  yield  to  temptation,  to  overreach  or  to  deal  unfairly 
with  their  fellows.  But  the  good  and  well-disposed  had  a  guide, 
the  self-seeking  found  a  check,  in  the  accepted  principles  that 
environed  them.  Competition  in  trade  or  industry,  perfectly 
legitimate  in  itself,  had  yet  so  to  be  coordinated  that  the  right 
of  the  individual  worker  to  a  true  human  existence  should  not 
bo  made  dependent  upon  the  unrestricted  gain  of  him  for  whom 
he  toiled,  nor  the  interests  of  the  community  sacrificed  to  the 
airffrandizement  of  the  successful  individual.  And  before  the 
minds  of  all  —  peasant,  laborer,  manual  worker,  tradesman, 
landowner,  professional  man,  titled  peer  of  the  realm,  and 
Sovereign  of  the  Kingdom  —  there  was  ever  present  the  cer- 
tainty of  a  complete  account  to  be  one  day  rendered  to  a  Just 
Judge,  the  Maker  of  rich  and  poor  alike. 

ENGLAND^S    INSTINCTIVE    CHRISTIANITY 

These  principles  of  Christianity  have  remained  deeply  im- 
bedded in  the  mind  and  heart  of  the  English  people.  They 
have  influenced  for  a  long  space,  and  still  influence  to  some 
extent,  instinctively  rather  than  consciously,  the  legislation  of 
this  country.  But  with  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the  au- 
thority which  alone  could  enforce  and  give  sanction  to  them, 
those  who  still  follow  these  principles  very  often  do  not  know 
why  they  do  so,  neither  can  they  give  an  answer  should  their 
validity  be  challenged. 

Thus  gradually  and  almost  imperceptibly  a  new  relation  of 
society  came  into  being;  and  men  and  women,  of  high  aim 
and  of  avowedly  Christian  belief,  came  to  be  dominated  by 
ideas  which  had  no  ground  in,  or  dej)endence  upon,  any  Chris- 
tian principle.  Those  who  have  studied  the  matter  in  detail 
have  told  us  at  length  of  the  terrible  conditions  existing  in  this 
country  less  than  a  hundred  years  ago,  in  which  conditions  all 
thought  of  the  rights  of  each  individual  soul  or  of  the  com- 


190  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

munitj  as  a  whole  was  obliterated,  and  men  felt  no  qualms  about 
the  practical  enslavement  and  degrading  impoverishment  of 
multitudes  in  order  that  a  few  might  possess  and  command 
the  resources  of  almost  unrestricted  wealth.  Desire  of  gain 
at  all  cost,  without  reference  to  the  consequences  thereby  en- 
tailed upon  vast  numbers  of  the  nation,  became  a  ruling  prin- 
ciple. The  true  end  and  purpose  of  existence  were  forgotten; 
the  right  of  the  individual  received  little  thought ;  the  interests 
of  the  community  were  sacrificed  to  the  exaggerated  well-being 
of  the  few.  Wealth  and  material  prosperity  to  be  obtained  by 
those  who  were  able  to  attain  them  were  a  sufficient  object  for 
this  life.  In  too  many  cases  any  higher  aim  was  deliberately 
excluded  or  regarded  as  so  problematical  as  to  be  undeserving 
of  serious  thought.  An  enormous  development  of  trade  took 
place.  On  the  surface  there  was  prosperity  which  seemed  to 
admit  of  no  limit  or  setback,  and  our  teachers  of  even  only 
forty  years  ago  told  us  complacently  that  the  economic  system 
and  development  of  England  were  of  a  very  perfect  kind,  and 
worthy  of  imitation  by  less  enlightened  and  less  progressive 
nations. 

A    LESSOIS]"    FROM    THE    ENEMY 

Other  nations  had  been  learning  the  lesson  —  notably  the 
confederation  of  nations  which  is  now  our  chief  enemy.  With 
the  thoroughness  of  purpose  and  scientific  determination  that 
characterize  her,  Germany  has  sought  a  world-wide  predomi- 
nance by  setting  boldly  and  consistently  before  herself  those 
materialistic  aims  which  for  too  long  deluded  and  misled  our 
English  people.  She  desires  "  her  place  in  the  sun  " ;  and,  as 
might  was  only  too  often  right  in  the  industrial  struggles 
within  the  limits  of  our  own  people,  so  imbued  with  the  same 
principles,  happily  to  an  increasing  extent  now  discarded  among 
us,  she  claims  that  might  is  right  in  the  world  domination  for 
which  she  is  now  struggling  to  her  doom. 

Happily,  do  we  say,  are  those  false  principles  being  dis- 
carded among  us;  for,  were  it  not  so,  the  future  of  our  peoples 
would  be  as  overcast  as  is  the  future  which  the  economic  lusts 
of  our  enemies  are  bringing  rapidly  upon  them. 

The  last  thirty  years  have  shown  a   surprising  return  to 


CATHOLICS  AND  SOCIAL  EEFOEM  191 

saner  doctrines  and  sounder  principles  in  the  teachings  of 
our  economists,  and  in  the  practice  of  our  people,  a  return  all 
the  more  astonishing  because  it  has  been  instinctive  rather 
than  logical,  and  has  little  definite  relation  to  religious  teach- 
ing, God  has  watched  over  us  in  this  respect,  in  spite  of  all 
our  national  sins  and  shortcomings,  as  He  has  so  often  done 
in  the  history  of  the  past.  Youthful  ardor,  self-sacrifice  in 
face  of  common  danger,  recognition  of  the  rights  of  all  who 
do  their  part  in  the  nation's  struggles,  no  less  than  the  com- 
pelling necessity  of  the  moment,  have  led  the  peoples  of  the 
Empire  to  an  abandonment  of  materialistic  aims,  and  to  a 
giving  up  of  desires  based  purely  on  the  present  life,  which 
"would  have  seemed  incredible  not  so  many  years  ago. 

AFTER    THE    WAR WHAT  ? 

But  in  every  mind  the  cry  is  insistent.  "  The  war  will  one 
day  end.  What  then?  What  is  the  future  of  our  country 
to  be  ?  Are  all  our  sacrifices  to  go  for  nothing  ?  Is  our  world 
to  be  a  truer,  a  better,  a  happier  place  than  it  was  before  ?  " 
We  proclaim  loudly  that  we  are  now  fighting  not  so  much 
against  the  German  people  as  against  the  principles  which  have 
impelled  them  to  wage  an  unjustifiable  war.  We  have  to  be 
on  our  guard  lest  those  same  principles,  the  desire  of  power 
and  gain  at  the  cost  of  the  moral  law,  should  reassert  their 
sway  in  our  own  national  and  social  life.  Such  desire  once 
led  us  into  practices  at  which  the  conscience  of  the  nation  now 
revolts.  That  reawakened  conscience  has  been  strengthened  by 
the  dread  happenings  of  this  war ;  and  to  some  extent  —  though, 
alas !  not  wholly  —  these  evil  principles  have  been  exorcized. 

In  making  these  comments  on  the  order  of  things  which  too 
long  prevailed  in  England,  it  is  in  no  way  necessary,  nor  would 
it  be  right,  to  impute  conscious  injustice  to  those  who  upheld 
and  perpetuated  the  wrongs  that  all  now  regretfully  recog- 
nize. Just  as  there  must  be  countless  numbers  in  Germany 
today  who  would  condemn  with  the  same  execration  as  we  do 
the  crimes  of  which  their  rulers  are  guilty,  could  they  only 
gaze  upon  them  from  the  same  point  of  view  from  which  we 
contemplate  them,  so,  when  a  false  social  and  political  economy 
stiU  held  unrestrained  sway  in  England,  many  God-fearing  and 


192  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

honorable  men  were  the  unwitting  accomplices   of  a   system 
\vhich  had  blinded  and  mastered  them. 

It  is  not,  then,  in  any  spirit  of  censure,  either  of  master 
or  servant,  or  of  capitalist  or  workman,  of  employer  or  trades 
unionists  —  not  with  any  desire  to  blame  either  the  past  or  the 
present  —  but  solely  to  prepare  for  and  safeguard  the  future, 
that  we  venture  to  approach  the  problem  that  we  are  placing 
before  you  today. 

What  is  that  future  to  be  —  how  is  the  social  and  political 
order  to  be  reconstructed  among  us  ?  There  are  some,  a  small 
minority  as  yet,  but  with  increasing  influence,  who  are  pro- 
claiming a  policy  of  despair.  They  have  looked,  they  will  tell 
us,  in  various  directions  for  a  solution  of  the  problem  in  vain. 
Those  who  in  this  country  are  the  official  representatives  of 
religious  teaching  have  failed  —  so  these  despairing  voices  as- 
sure us  —  to  give  any  coherent  answer  to  their  questions.  Thus 
they  are  compelled  —  again  it  is  their  voice  that  speaks  — 
to  the  unwelc-ome  conclusion  that  the  existing  relations  of  so- 
ciety are  incapable  of  being  remedied,  and  that  things  cannot 
be  worse  than  tbey  are  at  the  present  time.  Let  then,  they 
proclaim,  the  existing  order  be  overthrown  and  destroyed  in 
the  hope,  baseless  or  well-founded,  that  out  of  the  chaos  and 
destruction  some  better  arrangement  of  men's  lives  may  grow 
up.  It  is  the  policy  of  which  we  see  the  realization  and  the 
first-fruits  at  the  present  time  in  Russia. 

The  vast  majority  of  our  people  are  held  back,  if  not  by 
religious  motives,  at  least  by  their  inborn  practical  sense,  from 
suicidal  projects  of  this  kind.  In  this  turmoil  of  uncertainty, 
in  this  longing  for  teaching  and  guidance,  what  is  the  place 
of  those  to  whom  God  has  given,  and  who  have  accepted,  the 
fulness  of  the  Divine  Revelation  under  the  authority  of  the 
Churcb  of  Jesus  Christ?  Will  their  voice  be  heard  if,  amid 
the  clamor,  it  be  upraised.  If  they  be  heard,  have  they  a 
real  message  to  deliver? 

THE    BETTER    WAY 

There  can,  we  think,  be  no  doubt  at  all  as  to  the  readiness 
of  our  countrymen  to  listen  to  the  teachings  of  the  Catholic 


CATHOLICS  AND  SOCIAL  REFOEM  193 

Churcli  if  an  opportunity  can  be  given  to  them  of  knowing  what 
that  teaching  is.  Their  attitude  towards  the  Church  is  rapidly 
ceasing  to  be  one  of  indifference.  Widespread  interest  is  shown 
in  our  doctrines  and  practices,  especially  in  all  that  we  may 
say  about  the  grave  dangers  that  now  threaten  the  world. 
The  very  circumstances,  too,  of  the  war  have  brought  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  Englishmen  into  new  and  closer  con- 
tact with  tlie  Catholic  Church.  British  soldiers  in  Belgium 
and  France  have  been  profoundly  affected  by  all  that  they  have 
seen  of  her  influence  in  those  countries. 

They  are  impressed  with  a  new  sense  of  the  reality  of 
religion.  They  observe  its  effectiveness  in  the  face  of  danger 
and  death;  its  power  to  heal,  tranquilize  and  uplift ;  the  deiiuite- 
ness  and  uniformity  of  Catholic  teaching.  In  England,  too, 
many  have  adopted  Catholic  emblems,  beliefs,  and  practices 
which  before  the  war  would  probably  have  repelled  them.  The 
message  of  war-shrines,  crucifixes,  and  rosaries  finds  an  echo 
in  the  heart  of  the  people,  a  stirring,  it  may  be,  of  the  old 
Catholic  tradition,  never  wholly  obliterated.  Belief  in  the 
efiicacy  of  prayers  for  the  dead  is  becoming  more  frequent; 
and  it  is  daAvning  upon  many  that  their  choice  must  be  be- 
tween the  religion  of  Catholics  and  no  religion  at  all. 

Again,  social  reformers  of  every  school  are  turning  more 
and  more  to  Catholic  tradition  for  their  inspiration ;  and  even 
in  the  aspirations  and  demands  of  extremists  we  may  often 
discern  tliat  belief  in  the  value  of  human  personality,  that 
insistence  upon  human  rights,  that  sense  of  human  brother- 
hood, and  that  enthusiasm  for  liberty  which  are  marked  fea- 
tures of  Catholic  social  doctrine. 

Another  cause  has  been  at  work  to  remove  the  prejudices 
of  former  days.  During  the  war  Catholics,  many  of  them 
suffering  hitherto  from  a  certain  shyness  and  isolation,  have 
been  brought  into  intimate  contact  with  the  rest  of  the  nation. 
The  shouldering  of  common  burdens,  daily  association  with 
others  in  the  manifold  works  of  relief  and  organization,  com- 
radeship in  the  army,  and  cordial  co-operation  at  home,  have 
conduced  to  mutual  respect  and  dissipated  the  old  atmosphere 
of  suspicion. 


194  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

EELUCTAJTT    EVIDENCE 

It  was,  perhaps,  inevitable  that  this  growing  sympathy  with 
Catholic  ideals  should  have  irritated  that  small  but  noisy  sec- 
tion of  fanatics  who  are  always  ready  to  play  upon  the  fears 
of  the  credulous  or  to  re-echo  those  "  No  Popery  "  cries  which 
we,  in  common  with  all  men  of  right  feeling,  would  very 
readily  forget.  At  a  moment  when  national  unity  is  of  vital 
importance,  these  people  are  seeking  to  stir  up  popular  re- 
sentment against  a  loyal  section  of  the  population,  regardless 
not  only  of  justice  and  charity,  but  of  the  effect  which  such 
bigotry  cannot  fail  to  have  upon  the  Catholics  of  other  nations 
whose  good-will  we  desire  to  retain. 

With  such  calumniators  as  these,  appeals  to  reason  and 
justice  appear  to  be  unavailing.  But  they  and  the  press  which 
represents  them  are,  we  think,  discredited  by  the  bulk  of  the 
nation,  to  whose  sense  of  fair-play  we  confidently  appeal.  And 
indeed  we  only  refer  here  to  the  anti-Catholic  agitation  be- 
cause it  is  an  indirect  evidence  of  that  growing  popular  sym- 
pathy with  Catholic  ideals  which  has,  by  reaction,  stirred  it 
to  life. 

Our  concern,  at  the  moment,  is  not  with  exclusively  Catholic 
interests,  but  with  those  common  problems  of  national  im- 
portance which  have  recently  become  so  acute.  It  is  a  mo- 
ment when  aJl  Catholics  should  reflect  very  seriously  upon 
their  duties  as  citizens  and  upon  that  special  contribution  to 
tlie  common  welfare  which  they  are  enabled  to  make  as  rep- 
resentatives of  an  age-long  and  world-wide  tradition.  The 
Catholic  Church  has  helped  to  bring  social  order  out  of  chaos 
in  times  past ;  many  of  our  countr\Tnen  feel  that  her  help  is 
much  to  be  desired  in  the  coming  reconstruction.  They  rec- 
ognize, for  instance,  that  she  is  able  to  combine  social  stability 
with  liberty,  and  thus  to  avoid  the  calamities  both  of  anarchy 
and  tyranny,  into  one  or  the  other  of  which  this  country  might 
easily  drift. 

It  is  well  for  us  to  recall  that  the  present  social  dislocation 
has  arisen  precisely  because  the  teaching  of  the  Catholic  Church 
had  been  forgotten.  In  the  sixteenth  century  England  broke 
away  from  the  religious  unity  of  Europe     The  popular  faith 


CATHOLICS  AND  SOCIAL  EEFOEM  195 

was  violently  ousted,  and  the  spiritual  authority  of  the  Pope 
rejected.  In  course  of  time  religious  individualism  gave  place 
to  religious  indifference,  and  the  twentieth  century  found  the 
bulk  of  the  people  in  this  land  frankly  uninterested  in  church 
or  chapel. 

But  the  old  Catholic  social  ideals  and  practices  had  also 
vanished;  and  here,  too,  a  fierce  individualism  produced  dis- 
astrous consequences.  England  came  under  the  dominion  of  a 
capitalistic  and  oligarchic  regime,  which  would  have  been  un- 
thinkable had  Catholic  ideals  prevailed,  and  against  which 
the  working  classes  are  now  in  undisguised  revolt. 

Capitalism  began  really  with  the  robbery  of  church  property 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  which  threw  the  economic  and  social 
advantage  into  the  hands  of  the  land-owning  and  trading  classes. 
The  industrial  revolution  in  the  eighteenth  century  found 
England  already  in  the  hands  of  the  well-to-do  classes.  Since 
then  the  effect  of  competition  uncontrolled  by  morals  has  been 
to  segregate  more  and  more  the  capitalist  from  the  wage-eara- 
ing  classes,  and  to  form  the  latter  into  a  "  proletariat,"  a  people 
owning  nothing  but  their  labor-power  and  tending  to  shrink 
more  and  more  from  the  responsibilities  of  both  ownership  and 
freedom.  Hence  the  increasing  lack  of  self-reliance  and  the 
tendency  to  look  to  the  State  for  the  performance  of  the  ordinary 
family  duties. 

OLIGAECHY    AND    INDTTSTEIAXISM 

The  English  oligarchic  spirit  took  its  rise  from  the  same 
sources  as  English  capitalism,  and  by  the  beginning  of  the 
twentieth  century  was  closely  bound  up  and  dependent  on  it. 
The  territorial  oligarchy  had  by  then  thoroughly  fused  with 
the  commercial  magnates,  and  the  fusion  had  produced  plu- 
tocracy. While  the  Constitution  had  increasingly  taken  on 
democratic  forms,  the  reality  imderlying  those  forms  had  been 
increasingly  plutocratic.  Legislation  under  the  guise  of  "  social 
reform  "  tended  to  mark  off  all  wage-earners  as  a  definitely 
servile  class.  The  result,  even  before  the  war,  was  a  feeling 
among  the  workers  of  irritation  and  resentment,  which  mani- 
fested itself  in  sporadic  strikes,  but  found  no  very  clear  expres- 
sion in  any  other  way. 


196  CHUE,CH  AND  LABOR 

During  the  war  the  minds  of  the  people  have  been  profoundly 
altered.  Dull  acquiescence  in  social  injustice  has  given  way 
to  active  discontent.  The  very  foundations  of  political  and 
social  life,  of  our  economic  system,  of  morals  and  religion, 
are  being  sharply  scrutinized;  and  this  not  only  by  a  few 
writers  and  speakers,  but  by  a  very  large  number  of  people 
in  every  class  of  life,  especially  among  the  workers.  Our  in- 
stitutions, it  is  felt,  must  justify  themselves  at  the  bar  of 
reason ;  they  can  no  longer  be  taken  for  granted. 

The  ai-my,  for  instance,  is  not  only  fighting,  it  is  also  think- 
ing. Our  men  have  gained  immensely  in  self-respect,  in  per- 
sonal discipline,  in  a  wider  comprehension  of  national  and 
social  issues.  They  have  met  and  made  friends  with  members 
of  other  classes  and  occupations.  Many  for  the  first  time  in 
their  lives  have  been  properly  fed  and  clothed,  have  learnt 
the  pleasure  and  health  that  come  from  an  out-door  life,  have 
realized  what  it  means  to  belong  to  a  body  with  great  traditions. 
They  have  learnt  the  characteristic  army  scorn  for  the  self- 
seeking  politician  and  empty  talker;  they  have  learnt  the  wide 
diflFerence  between  the  facts  as  they  have  seen  them  and  as 
the  daily  press  reports  them;  and  they  have  learnt  to  be  sus- 
picious of  official  utterances  and  bureaucratic  ways.  Above 
all,  they  have  faced  together  hardship,  pain  and  death;  and 
the  horror  of  their  experience  has  forced  them  back  to  for- 
gotten religious  instincts.  And  the  general  effect  of  all  this 
on  the  young  men  who  are  the  citizens  of  "  after  the  war  "  is 
little  short  of  revolutionary. 

A  similar  change  has  taken  place  in  the  minds  of  our  people 
at  home.  The  munition-workers,  hard  working  but  over- 
strained by  long  hours  and  heavy  work,  alternately  flattered 
and  censured,  subjected  sometimes  to  irritating  mismanage- 
ment, and  anxious  about  the  future,  tend  to  be  resentful  and 
suspicious  of  public  authorities  and  political  leaders.  They, 
too,  are  questioning  the  whole  system  of  society.  The  voluntary 
war-workers,  again,  have  had  their  experience  widened;  not 
only  are  many  of  them  doing  useful  work  for  the  first  time 
in  their  lives,  and  doing  it  well,  but  they  are  working  in  com- 
panionship with  and  sometimes  under  the  direction  of  those 
with  whom  they  would  not,  in  normal  times,  have  dreamt  of 


CATHOLICS  AND  SOCIAL  KEFOEM  197 

associating.  They  are  readjusting  their  views  on  social  ques- 
tions. 

There  is,  in  short,  a  general  change  and  ferment  in  the 
mind  of  the  nation.  Few  suppose  that  after  the  war  the  social 
order  will  automatically  adjust  itself.  Most  realize  that  we 
must  make  a  combined  and  determined  effort  to  right  it. 

It  is  here  that  Catholic  guidance,  if  offered  with  understand- 
ing and  sympathy,  is  likely  to  commend  itself.  But  this  means 
that  Catholics  must  clear  their  own  minds  of  prejudice,  and 
must  deliver  not  their  own  message,  but  the  message  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  If  their  minds  are  formed  in  accord,  for 
instance,  with  the  great  Encyclicals  of  Leo  XIII,  they  will 
seize  the  opportunity  with  courage  and  with  a  great  trust  in 
the  people,  and  a  still  greater  trust  in  God.  They  will  work 
for  social  stability  and  liberty,  for  justice  and  charity,  and 
help  to  draw  together  in  national  unity  the  sundered  and  em- 
bittered classes. 

CATHOLIC    SOCIAL    EEFORM 

The  Catholic  principles  of  social  reform  cannot  fail  to  com- 
mend themselves  to  the  millions  of  men  and  women  in  this 
country,  in  whom  a  passion  for  social  righteousness  has  been 
stirred:  who,  in  the  shock  of  war,  have  discovered  and  have 
revolted  at  the  social  unfairness  which  has  prevailed  for  so 
long. 

Is  it  surprising  that  these  people,  suddenly  awakened  to  the 
un-Christian  features  of  our  civilization,  should  in  their  zeal 
for  reform  and  their  consciousness  of  power  be  tempted  to 
root  up  the  wheat  with  the  tares  ?  If  some  of  them,  cut  adrift 
as  they  have  been  from  Christian  influences,  are  suspicious 
of  all  religious,  as  well  as  all  political,  organizations,  our  task 
must  be,  not  to  denounce  them  as  impious  revolutionaries,  but 
to  show  them  that  the  Catholic  Church  alone  can  purify  and 
realize  their  aspirations.  They  simply  do  not  know,  for  in- 
stance, that  Leo  XIII  has  denounced  in  terms  as  strong  as 
they  themselves  are  likely  to  use,  the  greed  and  self-seeking 
which,  have  laid  upon  the  working  classes  "  a  yoke  little  better 
than  slavery  itself." 

JSTow  there  are  certain  leading  features  of  the  modem  labor 


198  CHURCH  AND  LABOK 

unrest  which,  though  their  expressions  may  be  crude  and  ex- 
aggerated, we  recognize  as  the  true  lineaments  of  the  Christian 
spirit.  Its  passion  for  fair  treatment  and  for  liberty ;  its  re- 
sentment at  bureaucratic  interferences  with  family  life;  its 
desire  for  self-realization  and  opportunities  of  education ;  above 
all,  its  conviction  that  persons  are  of  more  value  than  property 
—  these  surely  give  us  points  of  contact  and  promise  a  sympa- 
thetic welcome  to  our  message. 

We  have  only  to  show  what  is  involved  in  these  excellent 
ideals,  for  which  we  ourselves  have  labored  and  suffered  — 
how  there  can  be  no  rights  without  duties,  how  liberty  implies 
responsibility,  how  suicidal  is  class  war,  how  the  Command- 
ments of  God  are  not  only  an  obligation  but  a  protection  for 
man. 

If  we  review  the  main  principles  of  Catholic  social  teaching 
we  shall  observe  how  many  of  the  utterances  of  "  modern  un- 
rest "  are  merely  exaggerated  or  confused  statements  of  those 
very  principles ;  and  since,  as  has  been  truly  said,  "  the  Cath- 
olic Church  is  not  afraid  of  enthusiasm,"  we  should  not  find 
it  hard  to  put  before  the  most  ardent  their  own  ideals,  in  a 
more  coherent  and  satisfying  form  than  they  could  do  it  for 
themselves. 

If  they  take  their  stand  upon  the  dignity  of  man,  whether 
rich  or  poor,  we  can  show  them  how  every  human  being,  cre- 
ated by  God  and  redeemed  by  Christ,  has  a  much  greater  dignity 
than  they  had  dreamt  of.  If  they  claim  for  every  human 
being  a  right  to  a  share  in  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  a  right  to 
live  a  life  worthy  of  man,  we  endorse  that  claim  with  Divine 
sanctions.  If  they  protest  against  industrial  insecurity  and  the 
concentration  of  capital  in  a  few  hands,  we  point  out  how  they 
are  suffering  from  the  blow  aimed  at  the  Catholic  Church  in 
the  sixteenth  century.  If  they  have  had  a  hard  fight  to  estab- 
lish the  right  of  association  in  trades  unions,  it  was  because 
the  Catholic  voice  had  been  silenced  in  the  land.  If  their  in- 
stinct for  education  and  self-realization  has  been  stirred,  it  is 
but  the  awakening  of  an  instinct  developed  among  the  people 
in  Catholic  days  before  our  universities  and  secondary  schools 
were  diverted  from  their  original  purpose. 

When  once  people  come  to  see  that  we  share  their  aspira- 


CATHOLICS  AND  SOCIAL  KEFOEM  199 

tions  they  will  be  more  ready  to  listen  when  we  show  them  what 
those  aspirations  involve.  They  will  learn  to  distrnst  false 
prophets  and  specious  theorists.  They  will  understand  how 
might  is  not  right;  how  society  is  not  a  conglomeration  of  war- 
ring atoms,  but  a  brotherhood ;  how  the  family,  which  is  the 
bulwark  of  liberty,  would  be  injured  by  the  introduction  of 
divorce  or  the  weakening  of  parental  authority;  how  property 
has  its  rights,  however  much  those  rights  may  have  been  exag- 
gerated; that  cordial  co-operation  among  all  classes  of  society 
is  necessary  if  their  ideals  are  to  be  realized. 

Understanding  all  these  truths  as  parts  of  one  Christian 
scheme  of  life,  may  we  not  hope  that  the  people  of  this  coun- 
try will  come  to  have  a  new  conception  of  what  Christianity 
means  ?  Finding  a  guide  whom  they  can  trust  in  the  complex 
social  problems  of  today,  will  they  not  examine  the  claims  of 
the  Catholic  Church  to  guide  them  in  those  religious  perplex- 
ities which,  under  the  pressure  of  war,  they  are  beginning  to 
feel? 

THE    CBISIS    FOE    CATHOLICS 

If,  then,  it  be  true  that  there  are  many  ears  open  to  receive 
our  voice,  should  we  Catholics  remain  apathetic  at  this  critical 
moment?  The  opportunity  may  never  come  again.  If  we 
stand  aside  from  the  social  movements  of  the  day,  they  will 
go  forward  without  us,  and  our  message  may  never  be  delivered. 
Can  we  face  such  a  responsibility  when  we  remember  the  fate 
that  might  overtake  a  country  which  has  abjured  Christian 
teachings  ?  Pope  Leo  XIII  has  described  it  to  us  in  his  letter 
on  "  The  Duties  of  Christians  as  Citizens  " : 

"  ]^ations  and  even  vast  empires  themselves  cannot  long  re- 
main unharmed,  since,  upon  the  lapsing  of  Christian  institu- 
tions and  morality,  the  main  foundation  of  human  society  must 
necessarily  be  uprooted.  Force  alone  will  remain  to  preserve 
public  tranquility  and  order;  force,  however,  is  very  feeble 
when  the  bulwark  of  religion  has  been  removed;  and,  being 
more  apt  to  beget  slavery  than  obedience,  it  bears  within  itself 
the  germs  of  ever-increasing  troubles.  The  present  century 
has  encountered  notable  disasters:  nor  is  it  clear  that  some 
equally  terrible  are  not  impending.     The  very  times  in  which 


200  CHUKCH  AND  LABOR 

we  live  are  warning  ns  to  seek  remedies  there  where  alone 
they  are  to  be  found  —  namely,  by  re-establishing  in  the  family 
circle  and  throughout  the  whole  range  of  society,  the  doctrines 
and  practices  of  the  Christian  religion.  In  this  lies  the  sole 
means  of  freeing  us  from  the  ills  now  weighing  us  down." 

Catholics  who  have  rallied  with  such  splendid  patriotism  to 
the  defense  of  the  country  will,  we  are  confident,  labor  no  less 
generously  to  reestablish  that  country  on  a  Christian  basis,  to 
seize  the  opportunities  and  avert  the  dangers  of  the  present 
social  unrest.  There  is  a  place  for  every  man  and  woman  in 
this  work.     In  the  words  of  Leo  XIII: 

"  Civil  society,  no  less  than  religion,  is  imperiled :  it  is  the 
sacred  duty  of  every  right-minded  man  to  be  up  in  defense  of 
both  the  one  and  the  other."  ("  The  Condition  of  the  Work- 
ing Classes.") 

In  earnest  prayer,  in  the  frequentation  of  the  Sacraments, 
and  in  the  example  of  a  good  Catholic  life  we  place  our  chief 
confidence.  But  with  these  we  must  combine  a  real  understand- 
ing both  of  present  social  conditions  and  tendencies,  and  of 
the  principles  which  will  enable  us  to  deal  with  them  aright. 

The  experience  of  the  past  few  years  has  shown  how  much 
may  be  done  by  the  formation  of  social  study  circles  among 
Catholics  of  all  classes.  By  this  method,  far  more  than  by 
attendance  at  occasional  lectures  or  by  desultory  reading,  the 
student  obtains  a  real  grasp  of  modern  problems  and  the  prin- 
ciples underlying  them,  and  is  able  to  exercise  a  marked  in- 
fluence on  local  opinion.  Such  study  circles  may  well  be  or- 
ganized among  Catholic  women  also,  who  will  now  have  the 
responsibility  of  the  vote  and  take  a  more  prominent  part  in 
public  life.  It  is  too  much  to  expect  a  busy,  overburdened 
priest  to  undertake  in  all  cases  the  entire  guidance  of  such 
study  circles :  but  the  clerg}^  can  encourage  their  formation  and 
be  ready  to  advise  when  occasion  arises. 

Again,  we  have  the  singularly  effective  instrument  of  Cath- 
olic social  literature.  Admirable  Catholic  text-books  and  man- 
uals are  now  available,  and  every  effort  should  be  made  to 
give  them  as  wide  a  circulation  as  possible. 


CATHOLICS  AND  SOCIAL  REFORM  201 

AMONG    CATHOLICS    AND    NON-CATIIOl.ICS 

Of  great  importance,  too,  are  those  general  Catholic  organi- 
zations, such  as  the  Catholic  Federations,  the  Catholic  Young 
Men's  Society,  and  the  Catholic  Women's  League,  which  aim 
at  bringing  together  all  Catholics,  irrespective  of  their  political 
x^iews  or  social  circimistances,  upon  the  common  platform  of 
Catholic  public  life.  The  strengthening  of  their  respective 
branches  would  enable  us  not  only  to  forward  Catholic  inter- 
ests and  to  protect  religious  liberties,  but  to  set  before  the  coun- 
try in  an  effective  way  those  Christian  principles  by  which 
alone  can  be  secured  the  orderly  welfare  of  a  free  people.  The 
work  of  such  associations  is  intended  to  be  constructive.  Their 
aim  is  not  merely  to  counteract  false  principles  or  to  protest 
against  injustice,  but  to  build  up,  positively,  a  Christian  social 
order.  Hence  they  should  be  educative,  and  their  members 
should  fit  themselves  by  assiduous  study  for  the  task  of  en- 
lightening others. 

Finally,  we  should  co-operate  cordially  with  the  efforts  which 
are  being  made  by  various  religious  bodies  to  remedy  our 
unchristian  social  conditions.  Without  any  sacrifice  of  reli- 
gious principles,  we  may  welcome  the  support  of  all  men  of 
good-will  in  this  great  and  patriotic  task.  Already,  certain 
important  Christian  organizations  have  been  occupied  in  the 
endeavor  to  build  up  a  common  platform  of  social  reform. 
Such  efforts  certainly  deserve  all  the  help,  guidance,  and  co- 
operation that  we  can  afford  them. 

Such  then  is  the  task,  such  the  aim  that  we  desire  to  place 
before  you,  that  you  may  consider  it  in  God's  presence.  Never 
has  a  greater  responsibility  been  given  to  the  Catholics  of  these 
lands  than  at  the  present  time.  We  have  it  in  our  power  to 
render  to  our  fellow-coimtrymen,  to  the  nation,  to  the  Empire, 
services  of  immense  value  for  the  common  well-being,  no  less 
than  for  the  salvation  of  innumerable  souls. 

man's  teue  end 
The  ultimate  end  of  nation  and  Empire,  as  of  the  individuals 
that  compose  them,  is  to  give  glory  to  God,  and  to  promote 
that  glory  by  aiding  and  not  checking  men  in  the  fulfillment 
of  the  purpose  for  which  God  made  them. 


202  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

So  long  as  the  teaching  of  the  Catholic  Church  embodied 
the  religious  sentiments  of  the  English  people,  this  ideal  was 
never  deliberately  set  aside;  and  the  religious  edifices  that 
grew  up  in  the  midst  of  a  very  sparse  population,  with  the 
charitable  and  educational  purposes  which  they  once  sheltered, 
are  an  abiding  witness  to  what  our  forefathers  accepted  as 
principles  of  life  and  conduct. 

Externally  and  superficially  in  our  social  structure,  in  the 
Government  and  Constitution  of  the  Empire,  the  old  order 
has  not  wholly  disappeared.  The  recognition  of  God's  part 
and  place  in  civil  ruling  is  less  obliterated  than  in  most  other 
nations.  But  for  nearly  400  years  the  action  of  the  vivifying 
spirit  that  once  animated  rulers  and  ruled  alike,  has  grown 
gradually  weaker,  and  not  so  long  ago  seemed  doomed  to  en- 
tire failure.  God  is  now  again,  in  His  mercy,  out  of  the 
very  horrors  of  war,  showing  us  how  we  may  retrace  our  steps 
and  rebuild  the  commonwealth  on  the  teaching  given  to  all 
generations  for  their  healing  in  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ, 
His  Son. 

We  are  once  more  reminded  by  the  voice  of  the  Catholic 
Church  —  that  we,  in  our  turn,  may  remind  others  who,  per- 
chance, may  never  have  heard,  or  hearkened  to,  that  voice  — 
that  there  is  no  safety  for  the  individual,  or  for  society,  ex- 
cept in  the  teachings  of  Christ  Our  Lord. 

man's  tkub  eights 

Each  man  receives  from  his  Creator  freedom  to  attain  the 
end  for  which  he  was  created.  He  has  a  right  to  a  true  human 
life,  and  to  the  labor  whereby  materially,  that  life  may  be 
maintained;  and  to  that  labor  is  due  a  wage  proportionate  at 
least  to  the  maintenance  of  such  true  human  life.  In  the 
same  way  he  is  entitled  to  have  and  to  retain  property  as  his 
own  personal  possession,  and  at  the  same  time  it  is  his  duty 
to  render  to  the  society  of  men  in  the  midst  of  which  he  lives, 
the  service  and  obedience  without  which  all  corporate  exist- 
ence would  be  impossible. 

In  like  manner  Christ  teaches  us  the  sanctity  and  inviola- 
bility of  family  life;  the  diversity  of  the  gifts  that  man  re- 


CATHOLICS  AND  SOCIAL  KEFORM  203 

ceives,  with  the  consequent  inevitable  difference  in  position, 
learning,  acquirements  and  possessions  which  has  ever  char- 
acterized, and  must  always  characterize  the  members  of  the 
human  race;  and  the  mutual  dependence  which  must  exist 
between  all  ranks  of  society  if  God's  purpose  is  to  be  fulfilled. 

If  these  things  be  remembered,  if  they  be  accepted  as  the 
basis  of  that  rebuilding  of  our  public  life  and  government, 
then  may  we  look  forward  with  confident  hope  for  the  future. 
If  they  be  forgotten,  still  more  if  they  be  deliberately  set 
aside,  greater  calamity  will  come  upon  us  than  any  war  could 
inflict. 

It  is  a  part  of  your  mission,  dear  Reverend  Fathers,  to  bring 
these  matters  clearly  and  plainly  before  your  flocks,  so  that 
they  may  exercise  any  influence  that  they  possess  in  accordance 
with  the  social  teachings  of  Christ  and  of  His  Church,  and 
be  the  messengers  to  others  outside  the  flock  of  what  the  Church 
actually  teaches  on  these  vitally  important  subjects.  In  ac- 
complishing this  mission  much  use  should  be  made  of  the  ex- 
cellent publications  of  the  Catholic  Social  Guild,  which  is  ever 
ready  to  render  aid  in  making  known  the  sound  principles  which 
must  underlie  all  true  social  reform. 

May  Our  Divine  Master,  ever  kind  and  considerate  to  rich 
and  poor,  to  the  learned  and  to  the  simple,  and  to  all  who  seek 
Him  with  single  heart,  be  your  Guide  and  Teacher.  May  His 
Holy  Mother,  honored  once  throughout  this  realm  of  England 
as  its  Queen  by  right  Divine  and  by  the  people's  choice,  be  with 
U3  as  we  learn  again  the  lessons  that  He  alone  can  teach.  May 
the  whole  nation  take  the  lesson  to  heart,  so  that  out  of  the 
sorrows  and  bitterness  and  tragedy  of  this  time  of  war  a  new 
England  may  be  built  up  which  will  give  to  God  all  the  things 
that  are  God's,  and  to  the  commonwealth  all  that  both  society 
and  the  individual  may  justly  claim. 


IV.     THE  BISHOPS  OF  FOUR  COUNTRIES 

1.  Pastoral  Letter  of  the  Bishops  of  Ireland   on  the  Labor 

Question. 

2.  The    Social   Reconstruction   Program    Issued   by   the   four 

American  Bishops  Constituting  the  Administrative  Com- 
mittee of  the  National  Catholic  War  Council. 
3-  Extract  from  the  Pastoral  Letter  of  the  Bishops  of  France 
on  Conditions  after  the  War. 

4.  Declaration  of  the  American  Hierarchy,  on  Industrial  Re- 

lations in  their  Pastoral  Letter. 

5.  Pastoral  Letter  of  the  German  Bishops  on  Socialism. 


205 


1.     PASTOEAL  LETTER  OF  THE  BISHOPS  OF  IRE- 
LAND ON  THE  LABOR  QUESTION  ^ 

Veey  Reverend  and  Reveeend  Fathers  ajstd  Dear  Breth- 
ren IN  Christ: 

Aa  pastors  of  the  faithful  children  of  St.  Patrick  we  have 
deeply  felt  the  pain  and  sorrow  which  a  prolonged  labor  dis- 
pute, of  singular  mischief  in  its  various  complications,  has 
brought  on  our  people.  Hence  the  responsibility  now  devolves 
upon  us  of  addressing  to  you  this  pastoral  letter  in  reference 
to  the  means  by  which  such  great  evils,  spiritual  and  temporal, 
as  this  deplorable  quarrel  has  unfortunately  produced  may, 
through  the  divine  mercy,  be  prevented  in  the  years  to  come. 

The  great  lesson  from  this  sad  experience  is  the  imperative 
need  of  well-formed  conciliation  boards,  duly  representative  of 
both  sides,  to  adjust  differences  as  they  arise.  Masters  and 
men  have  a  common  interest  in  industry:  and  that  is  the  way 
to  maintain  it  for  the  common  good.  For  the  requisite  organi- 
zation strong  Irish  trade  unions,  conducted  on  sound  principles, 
can  do  mucli  in  industrial  centres,  as  they  can  likewise  to 
serve  other  useful  purposes  of  a  kindred  nature. 

A  strong  association  of  workers  is  not  likely  either  to  accept 
less  than  a  living  wage  or  to  plead  compulsion  when  a  collective 
bargain  is  authorized  by  a  regular  ballot  of  its  members.  The 
sense  of  Christian  duty,  as  of  manly  self-respect  and  honor, 
has  then  fair  play  to  influence  conduct,  and  to  develop  a 
sound  tone  and  tradition  in  industrial  relations.  The  employ- 
ers, likewise,  need  their  unions.  But  disputes  there  will  be. 
The  making  of  a  bargain  in  which  a  multitude  is  concerned, 
and  the  varying  circumstances  of  persons  and  events,  naturally 
lead  to  sharp  divergences  from  time  to  time ;  and  then  a  fair 
jury  should  have  a  chance  of  bringing  in  its  verdict  before  the 
protagonists  on  either  side  let  loose  the  horrors  of  war.     Noth- 

1  February  11,  1914. 

207 


208  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

ing  less  is  demanded  by  the  interests  of  the  parties  themselves. 
Nothing  less  is  fair  to  the  public. 

In  connection  with  the  labor  question,  it  is  the  laborers  who 
have  the  first  claim  on  our  consideration.  Though  there  is  no 
counting  the  number  of  unsuccessful  manufacturers  and  of 
unprosperoiis  merchants,  business  and  trade  make  men  rich,  and 
industry  will  not  flourish  and  will  not  give  employment  unless 
it  brings  wealth  in  its  train.  But  for  our  part,  when  we 
desire  ardently  to  see  suitable  industries  thrive  in  town  and 
country,  our  desire  is  not  for  the  enrichment  of  any  class,  but 
for  such  employment  and  remuneration  of  Irish  labor  at  home 
as  will  afford  our  working  people  a  worthy  livelihood,  and 
stem  the  tide  of  depopulating  emigration. 

In  backward  districts,  or  where  foreign  competitors  have 
got  far  ahead,  or  where  from  other  reasons  existing  circum- 
stances are  unfavorable,  the  workers  need  not  expect  at  the  start 
the  full  measure  of  remuneration  to  which  they  are  entitled 
when  the  industry  has  reached  normal  conditions.  But  out  of 
the  average  thriving  business  the  workman  may  well  claim, 
in  return  for  his  honest  day's  work,  what  will  at  least  procure 
worthy  maintenance  for  himself  and  his  little  family,  with 
such  "  outlet  and  outlook,"  to  use  tlie  phrase  of  a  living  states- 
man in  a  like  connection,  as  are  implied  in  a  reasonable  op- 
portunity to  improve  steadily  the  condition  of  his  household. 

Nothing  less  is  fair  recompense  for  hard  work,  temperance, 
and  thrift.  As  a  rule  the  laborers  who  toil  at  the  heaviest 
work  for  the  lowest  pay  have  not  received  a  fair  share  of  the 
wealth  they  do  so  much  to  produce.  Under  the  sway  of  materi- 
alist economics,  less  than  a  hundred  years  ago  men  and  machin- 
ery were  treated  as  one  in  the  greatest  manufacturing  centres, 
except,  indeed,  that  the  machinery  was  better  cared  for. 

But  the  Catholic  Church  has  never  accepted  and  never  could 
accept  the  doctrine  that  there  was  any  body  of  human  beings 
that  no  one  was  bound  to  look  after ;  and  among  the  classes  that 
compose  lay  society,  apart  from  the  infirm  and  destitute,  no 
class  has  ever  had  from  her  the  same  warm,  watchful,  coura- 
geous care  as  those  who  literally  earn  their  bread  in  the  sweat 
of  their  brow.  They  needed  it  most,  and  they  had  it  most. 
They  had  it  when  they  were  not  the  great  power  in  the  State 


BISHOPS  OF  IKELAND  O^  LABOK  209 

tliat  they  are  now,  that  they  need  to  be  in  our  time  for  the 
protection  of  their  interests,  and  that  they  deser\'e  to  be  be- 
cause of  their  essential  services  to  the  community. 

Friendship  for  honest  toil  is  seen  from  the  first  in  the  life 
of  the  Church.  Amidst  a  perverse  world  that  held  manual 
labor  in  dishonor  her  Divine  Founder  was  a  carpenter  by  trade, 
the  Prince  of  the  Apostles  and  many  of  his  colleagues  were 
humble  fishermen,  the  Doctor  of  the  Gentiles  was  a  tentmaker. 
The  Fathers  of  the  Church  extolled  the  rights  and  dignity  of 
labor.  Her  monks  preached  and  practised  manual  toil.  In  the 
course  of  her  combat  with  oppression,  lasting  through  centuries, 
she  emancipated  labor  by  abolishing  slavery,  and  kept  it  free 
by  banning  usury  and  by  encouraging  unions  among  different 
classes  of  workers  for  improvement  and  defence. 

The  combined  action  of  the  members  of  these  associations 
was  all  the  more  effective  in  that  they  were  welded  together 
in  the  practice  of  religion,  and  conscious  of  the  freedom  which 
the  truth  of  the  Gospel  brings  to  men.  And  when,  in  con- 
sequence of  mechanical  invention  and  the  dominance  of  in- 
human economics,  the  old  protective  associations  were  dissolved, 
or  became  unsuited  to  the  circumstances  of  a  new  industrial 
era,  and  workmen  were  left  to  survive,  if  they  could,  where 
labor-saving  machinery  had  supplanted  them,  the  Church  re- 
joiced at  every  legitimate  combination  of  the  toilers  to  uphold 
their  rights  and  demand  redress  for  their  many  grievances. 
Her  zeal  for  them,  her  respect  and  love  for  them  in  the  twenti- 
eth century  flow  from  the  same  divinely  established  source  from 
which  sprang  the  demands  for  liberty  and  justice  to  the  op- 
pressed and  enslaved  toilers  which  her  pastors  uttered  in  the 
first  centuries  in  face  of  a  scornful  pagan  world.  jSTo  absolu- 
tion of  capital,  no  utter  dependence  of  labor  can  be  laid  to 
her  charge.  A  sharp  division  between  the  employer  and  the 
employed  is  none  of  her  work.  But  since  the  dividing  line 
has  been  so  rigidly  drawn  she  ever  fosters  harmony  between 
labor  and  capital,  as  the  sound  basis  of  their  common  interest 
in  industry,  and  she  earnestly  desires  that  each  of  them  should 
have  a  fair  return  from  the  joint  contributions  of  both. 

The  Encyclical  of  Leo  XIII,  issued  in  1891,  "  On  the  Con- 
dition of  Labor,"  contains  great  lessons  for  workers  and  em- 


210  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

plovers  alike.  It  is  rightly  called  the  charter  of  the  working 
classes.  Their  rights,  their  duties,  their  dangers,  their  safe- 
g:iiards  are  set  forth  in  it  by  the  successor  of  the  fishermen, 
the  Vicar  of  Christ;  by  one  who  had  their  welfare  at  heart, 
as  His  Master  had,  and  who  was  fortified  with  ample  knowledge 
and  full  authority  to  uphold  their  interests  within  the  full 
compass  of  the  divine  law. 

Employers  and  men  should  not  be  content  with  such  frag- 
ments of  that  noble  Christian  philosophy  of  social  and  indus- 
trial life  as  seem  to  suit  them  at  the  moment.  They  should 
read  the  encyclical  over  and  over  again ;  and  the  boys  and  girls 
of  the  industrial  classes  as  they  grow  up  should  be  thorouglily 
schooled  in  a  teaching  that  is  so  appropriate  to  their  condition 
in  life,  if  they  are  to  be  trained  aright  for  the  duties  of  Chris- 
tian citizenship. 

[The  Bishops  then  quote  passages  from  Pope  Leo's  great 
encyclical  calling  for  a  quick  remedy  for  the  present  misery 
and  wretchedness  of  the  poor;  demonstrating  the  mistake  of 
the  Socialists  in  setting  class  against  class  and  advocating  the 
dispossession  of  those  who  possess;  insisting  on  the  power 
of  religion  to  adjust  the  relations  between  employers  and  em- 
ployed ;  insisting  on  the  respect  of  rights  wherever  they  are 
found,  the  security  of  owners  of  property  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  protection  of  the  workmen  on  the  other.  Whilst  contracts 
may  be  left  free,  there  is  a  dictate  of  nature  more  imperious 
and  ancient  than  any  bargain:  the  remuneration  should  be  a 
living  wage.] 

As  might  be  expected,  many  foolish  words,  many  unfair 
and  wicked  things,  were  said  and  written  during  the  recent 
labor  troubles.  One  of  the  most  unbecoming  and  most  un- 
grateful utterances  was  an  attempt  to  belittle  Leo  XIII's  great 
encyclical.  It  will  be  treated  as  of  no  account,  or  as  a  mere 
primer  on  the  labor  question  by  none  but  those  who  aim  at 
destruction  and  not  at  construction,  or  who  have  never  given 
it  careful  study,  or  who  are  incapable  of  realizing  that  a  brief 
statement  of  fundamental  truths  in  social  and  industrial  life 
from  a  master  mind  and  master  authority  may  present  its 
most  far-reaching  principles  better  than  libraries  of  wild  theory 
that  cannot  stand  practical  examination  and  must  dissolve  under 


BISHOPS  OF  IRELAND  ON  LABOR  211 

the  scrutiny  of  reason,  to  say  nothing  of  revelation.  With  the 
lapse  of  time  questions  must  arise  that  will  need  their  own 
solutions  in  the  light  of  their  own  circumstances.  But  none 
is  likely  to  emerge  in  the  domain  of  industrial  disputes  that 
will  fail  to  be  helped  towards  a  solution  by  a  reference  to  the 
basis  of  right,  declared  as  the  law  of  divine  justice  in  that 
courageous  pronouncement. 

In  sorrow,  not  in  anger,  does  the  Holy  Father  endeavor  to 
save  men  from  following  a  will-o'-the-wisp  into  the  quagmire 
of  Socialism.  But  the  evils  that  lead  so  many  to  embrace  the 
Socialist  creed,  which,  as  a  body  of  teaching,  centres  human 
existence  on  an  impossible  equality,  or  that  impel  them  to  have 
recourse  to  the  ruinous  strikes  and  lock-outs  which  are  becom- 
ing more  and  more  frequent,  and  the  remedies  for  these  evils, 
were  not  hidden  from  the  keen  vision  of  Leo  XTIT.  If  he 
has  exposed  the  injustice  and  the  folly  of  Socialist  doctrine, 
which  since  then  has  considerably  moderated  its  official  tone, 
and  vindicated  man's  rights  to  private  property,  proving  it 
to  be  necessary  in  the  interests  of  the  workman,  not  less  than 
of  anyone  else,  he  has  also  proclaimed  the  need  for  a  far  wider 
distribution  of  ownership  than  now  exists;  and  he  has  done 
so  as  an  adjunct  to  his  memorable  teaching  on  the  living  wage. 
"  The  law,  therefore,"  he  says,  "  should  favor  ownership,  and 
its  policy  should  be  to  induce  as  many  of  the  people  as  pos- 
sible to  become  owners !  "  Then  he  adds,  "  Many  excellent 
results  will  follow  from  this ;  and,  first  of  all,  property  will 
certainly  become  more  equally  divided." 

The  desire  of  ownership  which,  within  due  bounds,  is  natural 
and  legitimate  in  man  and  may  be  highly  commendable,  springs 
from  the  laudable  purpose  of  providing  a  stable  way  for  him- 
self and  those  depending  upon  him.  The  real  explanation 
why  multitudes  of  men,  otherwise  as  good  as  their  neighbors, 
have  swelled  the  ranks  of  Socialism  seems  to  be,  not  that  they 
hated  private  property  on  principle,  but  that  by  nature  and 
in  fact  they  loved  to  have  it,  and  saw  no  avenue  leading  to 
participation  in  it  except  the  fantastic  way  that  opens  on  the 
dismal  swamp  where  there  is  to  be  State  ownership  of  the 
instruments  of  production  and  distribution,  and  State  intrusion 
everywhere.     It  is  indeed,  the  duty  of  the  State  to  see  that  the 


212  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

national  resources  are  turned  to  good  account  for  the 
support  and  welfare  of  all  tlie  people;  and,  consequently,  the 
State  or  municipality  should  acquire,  always  for  just  compen- 
sation, those  agencies  of  production,  and  those  agencies  only 
in  which  the  public  interest  demands  that  public  property 
rather  than  private  ownership  should  exist. 

Fortunately  the  trend  of  land  settlement  in  this  country- 
is  in  the  direction  of  reasonably  sized  holdings  oumed  by  their 
occupiers ;  and  under  native  management  it  is  not  too  much  to 
expect  that  a  model  system  of  employment  will  be  developed 
by  degrees  in  suitable  variety,  so  that  Christian  comradeship 
between  men  and  masters  and  a  sense  of  joint  interest  may 
be  the  rule  and  not  the  exception.  An  opportunity  to  share 
in  the  profits  or  to  acquire  a  co-partnership,  or  at  least  to 
benefit  in  some  permanent  way  by  the  continued  prosperity 
of  the  undertaking,  might  with  great  advantage  be  embodied 
in  a  scheme  of  employment.  In  this  manner  good,  steady, 
whole-hearted  work  would  be  encouraged,  and  the  men  would 
have  a  chance  of  becoming  masters  through  their  own  exer- 
tions. 

The  difficulty  of  conducting  successfully  a  commercial  under- 
taking in  the  management  of  which  the  workers  would  have 
a  voice,  may,  in  most  cases,  be  too  much  for  us  at  present. 
But  it  looks  as  if  the  industrial  world  were  at  a  stage  of  transi- 
tion when  such  things  are  likely  to  be ;  and,  though  machinery 
and  invention  have  made  a  lasting  change  in  the  industrial 
system,  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  Church,  in  the  inter- 
ests of  mankind,  has  ever  desired  a  wide  distribution  of  prop- 
erty, and  in  her  days  of  greatest  social  power  sanctioned  a 
large  control  of  industry  by  the  workers.  What  she  never  did, 
and  never  can  do,  is  to  countenance  wrongful  interference  with 
capital  or  contracts,  any  more  than  she  can  sanction  an  in- 
vasion of  the  rights  of  labor. 

The  smashing  of  labor  would  be  a  wicked  and  barbarous 
program  however  it  might  be  explained.  But,  unless  some 
such  plan  as  we  have  just  referred  to  be  possible  and  adequate 
for  the  purpose  in  view,  there  is  no  legitimate  way  of  giving 
effect  to  the  almost  equally  barbaric  formula  of  smashing  cap- 


BISHOPS  OF  lEELAND  ON  LABOR  213 

ital.     It  is  the  use  of  capital  by  employers  that  is  marked  out 
for  destruction. 

Under  Syndicalism  the  employer  is  compelled  to  disappear, 
and  tie  workers  are  supposed  to  do  everything  and  manage 
everything  in  an  industrial  federation  away  from  State  con- 
trol. But  without  capital  from  some  quarter  nothing  can 
be  done  in  the  world  of  industry,  even  if  the  management  were 
competent;  and  to  seize  the  property  of  employers  would  be 
wholesale  robbery  paving  the  way  to  anarchy. 

Well,  civilization  cannot  afford  to  dissolve  into  chaos  in 
Ireland  or  anywhere  else.  It  will  not  do  to  overthrow  human 
society  or  reverse  the  wheels  of  progress.  We  have  got  to 
hold  fast  to  Christian  principles.  If,  therefore,  associations  of 
workers  cannot  acquire  the  means  in  a  legitimate  way,  or  if 
with  the  necessary  capital  they  are  incapable  from  their  cir- 
cumstances of  conducting  industrial  concerns  successfully,  what 
is  to  be  said  is  that  a  good  man  can  thrive  on  fair  wages  if  the 
housekeeping  is  what  is  ought  to  be,  and  there  remain  such 
plans  as  we  have  already  indicated  by  which  industrious  workers 
in  the  course  of  their  employment  may  share  in  the  industry 
or  become  masters  themselves. 

Certainly  the  wage  system  should  be  so  improved  as  no- 
where to  deserve  the  name  of  sweating  or  wUge-slavery. 
"  When  workpeople,"  says  Leo  XIII,  "  have  recourse  to  a 
strike  it  is  frequently  because  the  hours  of  labor  are  too  long 
or  the  work  too  hard,  or  because  they  consider  their  wages  in- 
sufficient. The  grave  inconvenience  of  this  not  uncommon  oc- 
currence should  be  obviated  by  public  remedial  measures."  It 
is  the  inhuman  offence  of  crushing  labor  that  is  responsible 
for  the  cry  against  capital.  Whether  our  workers  have  yet 
arrived  at  the  stage  of  setting  much  store  on  proprietorship  in 
any  degree  or  not,  they  rightly  have  a  keen  sense  of  the  value 
of  proper  dwellings  in  which  to  live.  Housing  accommodation 
is  not  less  important  for  them  than  the  amount  of  their  wages. 
What  chance  is  there  for  health  or  comfort,  temperance  or 
thrift,  home  education  or  a  Christian  life,  if  a  married  man 
has  not  a  sanitary  dwelling  of  three  or  four  rooms  to  shelter 
his  family  ?     A  healthy  home  for  the  town  worker  finds  a  prec- 


214  CHURCH  AXD  LABOR 

edent  that  should  be  followed,  so  far  as  conditions  allow,  in 
the  fine  accommodation  for  agriculturial  laborers  that  now 
adorns  many  an  Irish  countryside.  It  is  a  case  in  which 
private  enterprise,  the  provision  made  by  some  employers,  and 
the  efforts  of  philanthropy  need  to  be  supplemented  by  muni- 
cipal encouragement  and  State  aid. 

When,  however,  improved  tenement  houses  in  the  city  and 
separate  cottages  in  the  city  or  its  suburbs  have  brought  the 
dwellings  of  laborers  and  artisans  up  to  a  fair  standard,  and 
when  the  wages  of  the  worst  paid  and  hardest  workers  are 
higher  than  they  are  now,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  all  dis- 
putes about  wages,  hours,  work,  and  treatment  will  disappear. 
Even  if  there  were  no  emploj'ers  inclined  to  be  exacting  and 
no  workers  inclined  to  idle,  it  is  in  the  nature  of  things,  cer- 
tainly in  man's  nature,  and  in  the  interests  of  progress,  that 
changes  should  be  sought  with  changing  times  and  circum- 
stances. An  employer  may  resist  where  he  should  comply, 
a  worker  may  make  a  new  demand  where  he  should  rest  con- 
tent. The  common  sense,  therefore,  of  the  matter  is  that,  in 
the  spirit  of  mutual  interest,  the  whole  issue  should  be  con- 
sidered by  capable  men,  fairly  representing  both  sides  with 
a  view  to  an  arrangement,  if  possible,  and  that  no  extreme  course 
should  be  taken  except  as  a  last  resort  and  in  a  constitutional 
way  by  the  free  ballot  of  men  in  full  possession  of  the  merits 
of  the  case  on  both  sides.  The  public,  also,  should  be  afforded 
opportunities  to  form  its  opinion  before  war  breaks  out,  if 
indeed  the  name  of  war  can  be  applied  to  a  conflict  in  which 
it  is  wrong  to  destroy  property  or  do  bodily  hurt  to  anyone. 

Hence,  while  not  expressing  an  opinion  on  the  inquiry  re- 
cently held  by  the  Board  of  Trade  in  Dublin,  we  cannot  too 
warmly  recommend  some  such  scheme  of  conciliation  as  that 
set  forth  in  the  second  part  of  the  report  then  submitted.  The 
proposals  it  contains  offer  something  really  valuable  in  substi- 
tution for  the  sudden  or  s}Tnpathetic  strike  or  lock-out  and  they 
provide  fairly  for  breaches  of  agreement.  Its  application  in 
the  capital  of  Ireland  to  as  many  departments  of  industry  as 
possible  would  be  a  useful  example  for  other  Irish  cities  and 
towns.     The  matter  seems  to  us  so  urgent  as  to  brook  no  delay 


BISHOPS  OF  IRELAND  ON  LABOR  215 

beyond  the  time  necessary  to  make  carefully  considered  ar- 
rangements for  each  of  the  industries  concerned. 

In  every  civilized  country,  but  certainly  in  Ireland,  there 
ought,  we  repeat,  to  be  an  eiScient  means  of  settling  labor  dis- 
putes without  recourse  to  strikes  and  lock-outs  until  all  else 
fails.  Woeful  want  in  the  homes  of  the  workers,  heavy  loss  to 
the  employers,  grave  inconvenience  and  injury  to  the  public, 
deplorable  waste  of  time  and  resources,  great  setback  to  in- 
dustry, sacrifice  of  the  material  interests  of  the  nation  for 
the  advantage  of  her  rivals,  violence  and  bloodshed,  and  an 
avalanche  of  un-christian  language  charged  with  perverted 
opinions  and  voicing  feelings  of  hatred,  revenge,  and  all  un- 
chai'itableness,  are  some  of  the  evil  consequences  with  which 
we  are  not  familiar.  Our  people,  indeed,  are  the  last  who 
should  use  this  rough  weapon  against  one  another.  They  are 
kindly  by  nature,  religious  by  conviction,  and  not  unaware  of 
the  almost  irreparable  loss  inflicted  on  Irish  trade,  industry, 
and  commerce,  by  jealous  neighbors  in  the  past,  or  of  the 
urgent  need  to  develop  native  employment  with  the  greatest 
care  and  patience.  When  it  comes  to  a  strike  or  a  lock-out, 
too  often,  not  right,  but  might,  settles  the  issue.  Well,  it  is 
not  placing  too  high  an  estimate  on  the  character  of  our  people 
to  say  that  if  they  had  a  controversy  with  another  nation,  and 
strength  were  on  their  side,  they  would  be  the  first  to  propose 
that  the  justice  of  the  case  should  be  ascertained  by  a  compe- 
tent tribunal,  and  that  right  should  be  allowed  to  prevail.  As 
Irishmen  and  as  Christians  they  would  use  their  strength  for 
defence,  not  for  offence,  in  dealing  with  outsiders.  Now  we 
owe  one  another,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  as  much  as  we  owe 
the  stranger,  and  resort  to  the  rough  arbitrament  of  a  strike 
or  a  lock-out  is  out  of  keeping  with  our  place  in  Christian 
civilization  if  more  rational  methods  be  available  to  assert 
our  claims  to  fair  play. 

Mainly  through  trade  unions,  with  all  their  short-comings, 
have  the  working-classes  secured  something  corresponding  with 
the  protection  which,  in  a  different  industrial  order,  the 
Church  promoted  in  former  times.  Their  organization  is  most 
desirable.     If  based  on  Christian  principles,  the  more  wide- 


216  CHURCH  AND  LAEOR 

spread  in  industrial  centres,  and  the  more  perfect  it  is,  the 
better  for  all  concerned.  But  were  their  strength  ten  times 
as  great  as  it  is,  it  would  not  be  wise  and  it  might  be  criminal 
to  use  it  in  the  form  of  a  strike  to  settle  a  labor  dispute  that 
could  be  fairly  arranged  in  a  conference  between  the  parties. 
The  same,  of  course,  holds  for  a  lock-out  by  employers.  What 
is  the  use  of  saying  that  a  sjrmpathetic  strike  or  lock-out  may 
be  justifiable  in  conceivable  circumstances  when  the  real  point 
is  that  the  sympathetic  strike  or  lock-out  is  ruinous  to  industry, 
and  therefore  to  employment,  unless  it  be  fenced  round  with 
most  careful  safeguards  ? 

What,  again,  is  the  use  of  saying  that  a  contract  made  under 
compulsion  is  not  binding  when  the  important  point  is,  that 
unless  the  sacredness  of  contracts  entered  into  by  men  enjoying 
average  freedom  in  regard  to  them  is  upheld  there  is  an  end 
to  the  confidence  in  man's  plighted  word,  which  is  the  bond 
of  human  intercourse,  the  mainstay  of  fair  dealing,  and  the 
basis  of  business  enterprise  everywhere?  Disregard  of  con- 
tracts by  workers  may  have  its  counterpart  in  disregard  of 
contracts  by  employers,  just  as  the  sympathetic  strike  is  matched 
by  the  sympathetic  lock-out 

These  are  extreme  expedients  not  readily  justified.  They 
are  destructive  engines  of  war;  and  only  a  sound  scheme 
of  arbitration  and  conciliation  can  restrain  them  from  devas- 
tating the  industrial  field.  How  many  industrial  enterprises 
have  perished,  how  many  families  of  workers  have  been  cast 
adrift  within  living  memory,  through  strikes  and  lock-outs,  in 
all  their  ramifications,  that  a  well-manned  tribunal  of  peace 
might  have  prevented  ? 

Conciliation  boards,  constructed  on  wise  lines,  will  go  far 
to  take  the  place  of  an  ideal  association  of  workers  and  em- 
ployers, and,  though  they  are  not  likely  to  prevent  all  conflicts 
between  them,  they  will  obviate  constantly-recurring  strikes  and 
lock-outs,  to  the  great  advantage  of  both  classes  and  of  the  gen- 
eral public. 

Nothing  is  more  important  for  trade  and  for  every  one  de 
pendent  upon  it  than  to  draw  employers  and  workers  closely 
together.  Once  that  is  done,  it  causes  little  trouble  to  ar- 
range, for  instance,  as  regards  overtime  when  a  structure  needs 


BISHOPS  OF  IRELAND  ON  LABOR  217 

to  ^o  up  in  a  hurry,  or  a  disabled  ship  calls  for  immediate  at- 
tention in  the  repairing  docks. 

In  the  leo-itimate  effort  to  eliminate  sweaters  and  secure 
fair  conditions  of  employment  the  advantage  of  having  em- 
ployment and  the  need  to  secure  its  continuance  should  never 
be  overlooked.  We  want  to  attract  shipping,  trade  and  com- 
merce to  our  shores.  We  need  to  establish  suitable  industries 
and  put  fresh  life  into  those  already  in  existence.  The  man 
who,  instead  of  placing  his  money  in  a  bank  or  investing  it 
abroad,  faces  the  risk  of  putting  it  into  a  project  for  the  de- 
velopment of  Irish  industries,  deserves  credit  and  encourage- 
ment. He  takes  a  line  that  too  few  of  our  people  have  taken, 
and  when  he  does  so  it  behooves  us,  as  some  return  to  him,  and 
for  the  encouragement  of  others,  to  make  his  risk  as  light  as 
we  can.  The  interest  of  every  class,  particularly  of  the  workers, 
demands  that  we  should  attract  the  use  of  capital,  not  frighten 
it  away.  The  full  programme  in  the  interests  of  labor  is 
to  have  as  much  emplo^^ment  as  possible  and  to  see  that  its  con- 
ditions are  fair  to  the  workers. 

The  laborer,  skilled  or  unskilled,  should  have  a  fair  chance 
to  improve  his  condition.  It  must  not  be  too  difficult  for  in- 
dustry, ability,  thrift  and  character  to  raise  him  to  a  position 
equal  to  his  worth.  One  splendid  advantage  he  enjoys  in  this 
country  is  the  opportunity  to  educate  his  family  on  sound 
Christian  lines.  A  good  primary  education,  as  a  rule,  can  be 
had  within  easy  reach,  and,  fortunately,  the  way  to  the  tech- 
nical or  secondary  school,  or  higher  still,  is  beginning  to  open 
for  the  fine  boys  and  girls  that  come  from  the  laborer's  house- 
hold, and  who  are  gifted  wdth  deft  fingers  or  bright  minds.  In 
whatever  else  the  Irish  city  worker  may  be  at  a  disadvantage, 
he  is  no  longer  behind  in  the  opportunity  to  give  his  children 
the  education  that  is  best  for  them. 

It  will  do  good  to  the  rising  generation  if  our  young  workers 
reflect  how  they  came  to  enjoy  the  wealth  of  this  fine  educa- 
tional inlieritance.  It  was  the  rich  dower  of  young  workers 
in  Ireland  long  ago.  Once  more  it  is  their  heritage,  largely 
through  the  self-sacrifice  of  men  and  women  who  had  something 
beyond  justice  and  equity  to  bestow.  More  than  strict  justice 
is  due  in  equity  to  the  toilers  who  do  the  hardest  and  most 


218  CHUKCH  AIv^D  LABOR 

necessary  work  of  the  eonununity,  sometimes  at  peril  to  their 
lives,  living  very  much  from  hand  to  mouth  on  the  earnings 
of  employment  that  is  not  at  all  times  available.  In  some  such 
spirit  as  this  for  the  public  good,  as  also  from  a  sense  that 
wages  were  inadequate,  the  State  in  recent  years  has  been  mak- 
ing most  praiseworthy  efforts  to  improve  the  condition  of  its 
industrial  population.  But  before  social  legislation  made  any 
progress  our  Irish  workers  had  experience  of  a  still  higher  type 
of  service  in  the  sacrifice  of  those  who  gave  their  lives  with- 
out personal  reward  to  the  Christian  education  of  the  poor. 

This  brings  us  almost  to  the  conclusion  of  what  we  have  to 
say.  If  we  have  deemed  it  right  to  touch  briefly  on  many  socio- 
logical questions  in  this  letter,  it  is  not  because  we  consider 
that  priests  and  laymen  in  this  country  need  be  specially 
occupied  with  set  addresses  on  the  evils  of  Socialism  or  Syndi- 
calism, or  strikes,  or  lock-outs.  These  subjects  cannot,  indeed, 
be  too  well  understood  by  the  shepherds  and  guides  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  and  it  is  a  gi"eat  acquisition  of  strength  on  the  side  of  right 
that  they  are  discussed  in  a  variety  of  excellent  little  Catholic 
publications  that  are  within  the  reach  of  all,  and  that  all 
may  read  with  lasting  advantage.  Moreover,  a  warning  is 
necessary  now  and  then. 

But  our  main  object,  while  fixing  attention  on  the  nature  of 
the  dangers  with  which  our  people  have  recently  been  con- 
fronted, is  to  urge,  in  the  spirit  of  Pius  X  as  of  Leo  XIII,  the 
sovereign  importance  of  preventing,  by  fair  treatment  and  fair 
trial,  the  evils  that  evoke  these  crude,  unchristian  theories,  and 
drive  men  to  adopt  these  rough  methods  of  redress.  To  this 
end,  circles  for  social  study,  debate  and  work  are  specially 
useful  It  is  eminently  a  case  where  prevention  is  better  than 
cure.  Indeed,  in  applying  a  cure  on  any  wide  scale  we  have 
to  go  back  to  the  ways  of  prevention.  Accordingly,  our  chief 
concern  is  a  full  measure  of  proper  treatment  for  the  laboring 
classes,  with  ample  encouragement  to  good,  hard,  honest  work, 
but  no  encouragement  to  drink,  idleness  or  inefiiciency. 

We  have  been  throughout  asserting  the  claims  of  justice  and 
equity  under  existing  industrial  conditions.  But  as  Chris- 
tians we  owe  more  to  one  another  than  the  duties  even  of 


BISHOPS  OF  lEELAXD  ON  LABOR  219 

social  justice,   "  because  the  charity  of  God  is  poured  forth 
in  our  hearts  by  the  Holy  Ghost  who  is  given  to  us." 

We  were  not  made  for  earth  but  for  Heaven.  Only  when 
the  perishable  goods  of  this  world  pass  away  from  us  for  ever 
do  we  enter  on  our  eternal  possessions  and  begin  our  true 
life  with  God.  "  It  is  more  blessed  to  give  than  to  receiva" 
If  we  have  much  we  can  call  our  own,  the  Lord  gave  it  for 
our  welfare  and  for  the  relief  of  others,  in  whose  person  He 
may  stand  asking  some  of  it  back  from  us.  If  we  have  little, 
the  Saviour  had  less  for  Himself,  and  it  is  His  hard-pressed 
fellow-laborers  He  invites  to  come  to  Him  that  He  may  re- 
fresh them.  In  Christ  we  are  one,  and  earthly  possessions,  or 
the  want  of  them,  do  not  count.  If  duty  calls  us  to  prac- 
tice justice,  patience,  consideration,  forbearance  towards  one 
another,  we  are  also  bound  as  Christians  to  be  charitable  in 
thought  and  word  and  deed.  Let  charity,  then,  which  is  the 
queen  of  virtues  and  the  bond  of  perfection,  reign  in  our 
hearts.  "  God  is  charity,  and  he  that  abideth  in  charity 
abideth  in  God,  and  God  in  him." 


2.     THE  PROGRAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTIOiT 

Issued  by  the  Fouh  American  Bishops  Constituting  the 
Administrative  Committee  of  the  National,  Catholic 
War  Council  ^ 

Foreword 
The  ending  of  the  Great  War  has  brought  peace.  But  the 
only  safeguard  of  peace  is  social  justice  and  a  contented  peo- 
ple. The  deep  unrest  so  emphatically  and  so  widely  voiced 
throughout  the  world  is  the  most  serious  menace  to  the  future 
peace  of  every  nation  and  of  the  entire  world.  Great  prob- 
lems face  us.  They  cannot  be  put  aside ;  they  must  be  met  and 
solved  with  justice  to  all. 

In  the  hope  of  stating  the  lines  that  will  best  guide  us  in 
their  right  solution  the  following  pronouncement  is  issued  by 
the  Administrative  Committee  of  the  National  Catholic  War 
Council.  Its  practical  applications  are  of  course  subject  to 
discussion,  but  all  its  essential  declarations  are  based  upon  the 
principles  of  charity  and  justice  that  have  always  been  held 
and  taught  by  the  Catholic  Church,  while  its  practical  pro- 
posals are  merely  an  adaptation  of  those  principles  and  that 
traditional  teaching  to  the  social  and  industrial  conditions 
and  needs  of  our  own  time. 

Hh  Peter  J.  Muldoon^  Chairman 

Bishop  of  Rockford 
*i<  Joseph  Schbembs 

Bishop  of  Toledo 

1  The  National  Catholic  War  Council  was  composed  of  the  Archbishops 
of  the  United  States,  thus  organized  with  the  approval  of  the  great  ma- 
jority of  the  Bishops  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  their  country  and  caring 
for  Catholic  interests  during  the  great  conflict.  The  executive  authority  of 
the  Council  was  the  Administrative  Committee,  comprising  the  four 
Bishops  whose  names  appear  at  the  bottom  of  the  "  Foreword."  As  the 
text  of  the  "  Foreword  "  shows,  the  four  Bishops  issued  this  program  of 
Social  Reconstruction  in  their  capacity  as  the  Administrative  Committee 
of  the  National  Catholic  War  Council. 

220 


PROGRAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      221 

>^  Pateick  J.  Hayes  ^ 
Bishop  of  Tagaste 

>i*  William  T.  Russell 

Bishop   of   Charleston. 

SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION  — A  GENERAL  REVIEW 
OF  THE  PROBLEMS  AND  SURVEY  OF  REMEDIES  ^ 

"  Reconstruction  "  has  of  late  been  so  tiresomely  reiterated, 
not  to  say  violently  abused,  that  it  has  become  to  many  of  us  a 
word  of  aversion.  Politicians,  social  students,  labor  leaders, 
business  men,  charity  workers,  clergymen  and  various  other 
social  groups  have  contributed  their  quota  of  spoken  words  and 
printed  pages  to  the  discussion  of  the  subject;  yet  the  majority 
of  us  still  find  ourselves  rather  bewildered  and  helpless.  We 
are  unable  to  say  what  parts  of  our  social  system  imperatively 
need  reconstruction ;  how  much  of  that  which  is  imperatively 
necessary  is  likely  to  be  seriously  undertaken ;  or  what  specific 
methods  and  measures  are  best  suited  to  realize  that  amount  of 
reconstruction  which  is  at  once  imperatively  necessary  and 
immediately  feasible. 

Nevertheless  it  is  worth  while  to  review  briefly  some  of  the 
more  important  statements  and  proposals  that  have  been  made 
by  various  social  groups  and  classes.  Probably  the  most  not- 
able declaration  from  a  Catholic  source  is  that  contained  in  a 
pastoral  letter,  written  by  Cardinal  Bourne  several  months  ago. 
"  It  is  admitted  on  all  hands,"  he  says,  "  that  a  new  order  of 
things,  new  social  conditions,  new  relations  between  the  dif- 
ferent sections  in  which  society  is  divided,  will  arise  as  a  con- 
sequence of  the  destruction  of  the  formerly  existing  condi- 
tions. .  .  .  The  very  foundations  of  political  and  social  life, 
of  our  economic  system,  of  morals  and  religion  are  being  sharply 
scrutinized,  and  this  not  only  by  a  few  writers  and  speakers, 
but  by  a  very  large  number  of  people  in  every  class  of  life, 
especially  among  the  workers."  ^ 

1  Now  Archbishop  of  New  York. 

2  A  comprehensive  discussion  and  development  of  the  proposals  set  forth 
in  this  document  will  be  found  in  Dr.  Ryan's  volume,  Social  Reconstruc- 
tion: The  Macmillan  Company;  1920. 

3  See  his  Pastoral  Letter. 


222  CHURCH  AISTD  LABOR 

The  Cardinal's  special  reference  to  the  action  of  labor  was 
imdoubtedlj  suggested  by  the  now  famous  "  Social  Recon- 
struction Program"  of  the  British  Labor  Party.  This  docu- 
ment was  drawn  up  about  one  year  ago,  and  is  generally 
understood  to  be  the  work  of  the  noted  economist  and  Fabian 
Socialist,  Mir.  Sidney  Webb.  Unquestionably,  it  is  the  most 
comprehensive  and  coherent  program  that  has  yet  appeared  on 
the  industrial  phase  of  reconstruction.  In  brief  it  sets  up  "  four 
pillars  "  of  the  new  social  order : 

(1)  The  enforcement  by  law  of  a  National  minimum  of 
leisure,  health,  education  and  subsistence; 

(2)  The  democratic  control  of  industry,  which  means  the 
nationalization  of  all  monopolistic  industries  and  pos- 
sibly of  other  industries,  sometime  in  the  future,  if 
that  course  be  found  advisable; 

(3)  A  revolution  in  national  finance;  that  is,  a  system  of 
taxation  which  will  compel  capital  to  pay  for  the  war, 
leaving  undisturbed  the  national  minimum  of  welfare 
for  the  masses; 

(4)  Use  of  the  surplus  wealth  of  the  nation  for  the  com- 
mon good;  that  is,  to  provide  capital,  governmental 
industries,  and  funds  for  social,  educational  and  ar- 
tistic progress. 

This  program  may  properly  be  described  as  one  of  immediate 
radical  reforms,  leading  ultimately  to  complete  Socialism.  Evi- 
dently this  outcome  cannot  be  approved  by  Catholics. 

peogeam:  op  ameeican  laboe 

Through  its  Committee  on  Reconstruction,  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  has  issued  a  lengthy  program  of  reform 
proposals  and  demands  which  may  be  grouped  under  the  three 
heads  of  trade  union  action,  labor  legislation  and  general  in- 
dustrial and  social  legislation.  The  principal  demands  under 
the  first  head  are :  the  legally  guaranteed  rights  of  the  workers 
to  organize  and  to  carry  on  the  normal  activities  of  trade 
unions ;  a  living  wage ;  no  reduction  in  present  scales  of  wages ; 
the  right  of  labor  to  fix  its  hours  of  work ;  the  eight-hour  day ; 


PROGRAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION     223 

equal  pay  for  equal  work  by  the  two  sexes ;  exclusive  reliance 
by  labor  on  trade-union  effort  to  maintain  fair  wages ;  establish- 
ment of  cooperative  stores;  and  no  organization  of  a  political 
party  by  the  workers.  Labor  laws  demanded  are:  prohibition 
of  wage  working  by  children  under  sixteen  years  of  age ;  aboli- 
tion of  private  emplo\'ment  agencies ;  prohibition  of  all  im- 
migration for  two  years;  and  vocational  education  which  will 
fit  the  young  for  life  in  an  industrial  society.  By  implication 
both  the  eight-hour  day  and  the  living  wage  are  declared  to  be 
subjects  for  trade  union  action,  not  for  legislation.  Among  the 
measures  of  general  social  legislation  recommended  are:  a  spe- 
cial tax  on  "  usable  land  "  not  cultivated  by  the  owner,  and 
taxes  on  land  values  which  would  make  the  holding  of  idle 
land  unprofitable;  government  housing;  government  ownership 
and  operation  of  docks,  wharves  and  water  powers;  taxes  on 
excess  profits,  incomes  and  inheritances ;  and  limitation  of  the 
power  of  the  courts  to  declare  laws  unconstitutional. 

While  this  program  is  more  practical  and  more  moderate  and 
reasonable  than  that  of  the  British  Labor  Congress,  its  pro- 
posal for  taxing  land  into  use  could  easily  involve  confiscation. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  does  not  give  sufficient  consideration  to  tlie 
case  of  the  weaker  section  of  the  working  class,  those  for  whom 
trade  union  action  is  not  practically  adequate;  nor  does  it  de- 
mand or  imply  that  the  workers  should  ever  aspire  to  become 
owners  as  well  as  users  of  the  instruments  of  production. 

BRITISH    QUAXER    EMPLOYERS 

Probably  the  most  definite  and  comprehensive  statement  from 
the  opposite  industrial  class  was  put  forth  several  months  ago 
by  a  group  of  twenty  Quaker  employers  in  Great  Britain.  In 
outline  their  program  is  as  follows:  A  family  living  wage  for 
all  male  employees,  and  a  secondary  wage  in  excess  of  this  for 
workers  having  special  skill,  training,  physical  strength,  re- 
sponsibility for  human  life ;  the  right  of  labor  to  organize,  to 
bargain  collectively  with  the  employer  and  to  participate  in 
the  industrial  part  of  business  management ;  serious  and  prac- 
tical measures  to  reduce  the  volume  and  hardship  of  unemploy- 
ment ;  provisions  of  such  working  conditions  as  will  safeguard 
health,  physical  integrity  and  morals;  the  reduction  so  far  as 


224  CHUKCH  AXD  LABOR 

practicable  of  profits  and  interest  until  both  the  basic  and  the 
secondary  wage  has  been  paid,  and  transfer  to  the  community  of 
the  greater  part  of  surplus  profits. 

The  spirit  and  conception  of  responsibility  that  permeate 
every  item  of  the  program  are  reflected  in  this  statement :  "  We 
would  ask  all  employers  to  consider  very  carefully  whether  their 
style  of  living  and  personal  expenditure  are  restricted  to  what 
is  needed  in  order  to  insure  the  efficient  performance  of  their 
functions  in  society.  ]\Iore  than  this  is  waste,  and  is,  more- 
over, a  great  cause  of  class  divisions." 

AMERICAN    EMPLOYEES 

The  only  formal  statements  on  the  subject  of  social  recon- 
struction that  have  yet  come  to   our  attention  from  an   im- 
portant group   of  American  employers,   are  a  declaration   of 
principles  and  certain  proposals  by  the  jSTational  Chamber  of 
Commerce.     The  declaration  of  principles  was  made  at  a  con- 
vention of  the  organization,  in  Atlantic  City,  December  6,  1918. 
Beyond  a  general  commendation  of  peaceful  and  friendly  re- 
lations between  employers  and  employees,  it  included  nothing  of 
importance  on  the  labor  phase  of  reconstruction.     It  condemned 
government  operation  and  ownership  of  railroads,   telegraphs 
and  telephones,  and  demanded  more  moderate  taxes  and  a  modi- 
fication of  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law.     More  recently  the 
executive  officials  of  the  Chamber  have  submitted  to  a  referen- 
dum vote  of  its  membership   a  statement,   "  with  a  view  to 
furnishing  a  basis  on  which  American  industry  can  build  a  na- 
tional labor  program."     The  main   specific  proposals   in  this 
statement  are:  recognition  of  the  right  of  workers  to  organize; 
adequate  representation  of  both  parties  in  the  determination, 
of  emplo\Tnent  conditions ;   a  decent  home  and  proper  social 
conditions ;  no  reduction  in  wages  until  all  other  costs  of  pro- 
duction have  been  brought  down  to  the  lowest  possible  level ; 
and  a  system  of  national  employment  offices.     Inasmuch  as  this 
organization  represents  more  employers  than  any  other  associa- 
tion in  the  country,  the  vote  of  its  members  on  these  proposals 
will  be  of  the  greatest  significance. 


PKOGEAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION     225 

AN    INTERDENOMINATIONAL    STATEMENT 

In  Great  Britain  an  organization  known  as  the  Interdenom- 
inational Conference  of  Social  Service  Unions,  comprising  ten 
religious  bodies,  including  Catholics,  spent  more  than  a  year 
formulating  a  statement  of  Social  Reconstruction.  (See  the 
summary  and  analysis  contained  in  the  Catholic  Social  Year 
Book  for  1918.)  This  statement  deals  with  principles,  evils 
and  remedies.  Presuming  that  Christianity  provides  indis- 
pensable guiding  principles  and  powerful  motives  of  social  re- 
form, it  lays  dowm  the  basic  proposition  that  every  human  be- 
ing is  of  inestimable  worth,  and  that  legislation  should  recog- 
nize persons  as  more  sacred  than  property:  therefore  the  State 
should  enforce  a  minimum  living  wage,  enable  the  worker  to 
obtain  some  control  of  industrial  conditions ;  supplement  private 
initiative  in  providing  decent  housing ;  prevent  the  occurrence  of 
unemployment ;  safeguard  the  right  of  the  laborer  and  his  fam- 
ily to  a  reasonable  amount  of  rest  and  recreation ;  remove  those 
industrial  and  social  conditions  which  hinder  marriage  and  en- 
courage an  unnatural  restriction  of  families;  and  afford  ample 
opportunities  for  education  of  all  children  industrially,  cul- 
turally, religiously  and  morally.  On  the  other  hand  rights 
imply  duties,  and  the  individual  is  obliged  to  respect  the  rights 
of  others,  to  cultive  self-control,  to  recognize  that  labor  is  the 
law  of  life,  and  that  wealth  is  a  trust.  Finally,  the  statement 
points  out  that  all  social  refonn  must  take  as  its  end  and  guide 
the  maintenance  of  pure  and  wholesome  family  life. 

Such  in  barest  outline  are  the  main  propositions  and  prin- 
ciples of  this  remarkable  program.  The  text  contains  adequate 
exposition  of  the  development  and  application  of  all  these  points, 
and  concrete  specifications  of  the  methods  and  measures  by 
which  the  aims  and  principles  may  be  brought  into  effect.  In 
the  latter  respect  the  statement  is  not  liable  to  the  fatal  ob- 
jection that  is  frequently  and  fairly  urged  against  the  reform 
pronouncements  of  religious  bodies:  that  they  are  abstract, 
platitudinous  and  usually  harmless.  The  statement  of  the  In- 
terdenominational Conference  points  out  specific  remedies  for 
the  evils  that  it  describes;  specific  measures,  legislative  and 
other,  by  which  the  principles  may  be  realized  in  actual  life. 


22C  CHUE.CH  AlsB  LABOK 

Especially  practical  and  valuable  for  Catholics  are  the  ex- 
planations and  modifications  supplied  by  the  Year  Book  of  the 
Catholic  Social  Guild. 

NO   PROFOUND    CHANGES   IN    THE    UNITED    STATES 

It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  as  many  or  as  great  social  changes 
will  take  place  in  the  United  States  as  in  Europe.  Neither 
our  habits  of  thinking  nor  our  ordinary  ways  of  life  have 
undergone  a  profound  disturbance.  The  hackneyed  phrase: 
"  Things  will  never  again  be  the  same  after  the  war,"  has  a 
much  more  concrete  and  deeply  felt  meaning  among  the  Euro- 
pean peoples.  Their  minds  are  fully  adjusted  to  the  convic- 
tion and  expectation  that  these  words  will  come  true.  In  the 
second  place,  the  devastation,  the  loss  of  capital  and  of  men, 
the  changes  in  individual  relations  and  the  increase  in  the  ac- 
tivities of  government  have  been  much  greater  in  Europe  than 
in  the  United  States.  Moreover,  our  superior  natural  advan- 
tages and  resources,  the  better  industrial  and  social  condition 
of  our  working  classes  still  constitute  an  obstacle  to  anything 
like  revolutionary  changes.  It  is  significant  that  no  social 
group  in  America,  not  even  among  the  wage-earners,  has  pro- 
duced such  a  fundamental  and  radical  program  of  reconstruc- 
tion as  the  Labor  Party  of  Great  Britain. 

A   PRACTICAL    AND    MODERATE    PROGRAM 

N"o  attempt  will  be  made  in  these  pages  to  formulate  a  com- 
prehensive scheme  of  reconstruction.  Such  an  undertaking 
would  be  a  waste  of  time  as  regards  immediate  needs  and  pur- 
poses, for  no  important  group  or  section  of  the  American  peo- 
ple is  ready  to  consider  a  program  of  this  magnitude.  Atten- 
tion will  therefore  be  confined  to  those  reforms  that  seem  to 
be  desirable  and  also  obtainable  within  a  reasonable  time,  and 
to  a  few  general  principles  which  should  become  a  guide  to 
more  distant  developments.  A  statement  thus  circumscribed 
will  not  merely  present  the  objects  that  we  wish  to  see  attained, 
but  will  also  serve  as  an  imperative  call  to  action.  It  will  keep 
before  our  minds  the  necessity  for  translating  our  faith  into 
works.  In  the  statements  of  immediate  proposals  we  shall 
start,  wherever  possible,  from  those  governmental  agencies  and 


PROGRAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      227 

legislative  measures  which  have  been  to  some  extent  in  opera- 
tion during  the  war.  These  come  before  us  with  the  prestige  of 
experience  and  should  therefore  receive  first  consideration  in 
any  program  that  aims  to  be  at  once  practical  and  persuasive. 
The  first  problem  in  the  process  of  reconstruction  is  the  in- 
dustrial replacement  of  the  discharged  soldiers  and  sailors.  The 
majority  of  these  will  undoubtedly  return  to  their  previous 
occupations.  However,  a  very  large  number  of  them  will  either 
find  their  previous  places  closed  to  them,  or  will  be  eager  to 
consider  the  possibility  of  more  attractive  employments.  The 
most  important  single  measure  for  meeting  this  situation  that 
has  yet  been  suggested  is  the  placement  of  such  men  on  farms. 
Several  months  ago  Secretary  Lane  recommended  to  Congress 
that  returning  soldiers  and  sailors  should  be  given  the  opportun- 
ity to  work  at  good  wages  upon  some  part  of  the  millions  upon 
millions  of  acres  of  arid,  swamp,  and  cut-over  timber  lands,  in 
order  to  prepare  them  for  cultivation.  President  Wilson  in  his 
annual  address  to  Congress  endorsed  the  proposal.  As  fast  as 
this  preliminary  task  has  been  perfoi-med,  the  men  should  be 
assisted  by  government  loans  to  establish  themselves  as  farmers, 
either  as  owners  or  as  tenants  having  long-time  leases.  It  is 
essential  that  both  the  work  of  preparation  and  the  subsequent 
settlement  of  the  land  should  be  effected  by  groups  or  colonies, 
not  by  men  living  independently  of  one  another  and  in  de- 
pressing isolation.  A  plan  of  this  sort  is  already  in  opera- 
tion in  England.  The  importance  of  the  project  as  an  item 
of  any  social  reform  program  is  obvious.  It  would  afford  em- 
ployment to  thousands  upon  thousands,  would  greatly  increase 
the  number  of  farm  owners  and  independent  farmers,  and 
would  tend  to  lower  the  cost  of  living  by  increasing  the  amount 
of  agricultural  products.  If  it  is  to  assume  any  considerable 
proportions  it  must  be  carried  out  by  the  governments  of  the 
United  States  and  of  the  several  States.  Should  it  be  under- 
taken by  these  authorities  and  operated  on  a  systematic  and 
generous  scale,  it  would  easily  become  one  of  the  most  bene- 
ficial reform  measures  that  has  ever  been  attempted. 


228  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

UNITED    STATES    EMPLOYMENT    SEKVICE 

The  reinstatement  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  in  urban  in- 
dustries will  no  doubt  be  facilitated  by  the  United  States  Em- 
plo^^Tnent  Service.  This  agency  has  attained  a  fair  degree  of 
development  and  elEciency  during  the  war.  Unfortunately 
there  is  some  danger  that  it  will  go  out  of  existence  or  be 
greatly  weakened  at  the  end  of  the  period  of  demobilization.  It 
is  the  obvious  duty  of  Congress  to  continue  and  strengthen  this 
important  institution.  The  problem  of  unemployment  is  with 
us  always.  Its  solution  requires  the  co-operation  of  many 
agencies,  and  the  use  of  many  methods;  but  the  primary  and 
indispensable  instrument  is  a.  national  system  of  labor  exchanges, 
acting  in  harmony  with  state,  municipal,  and  private  employ- 
ment bureaus. 

WOMEN    WAR   WOEKERS 

One  of  the  most  important  problems  of  readjustment  is  that 
created  by  the  presence  in  industry  of  immense  numbers  of 
women  who  have  taken  the  places  of  men  during  the  war. 
Mere  justice,  to  say  nothing  of  chivalry,  dictates  that  these 
women  should  not  be  compelled  to  suffer  any  greater  loss  or 
inconvenience  than  is  absolutely  necessary ;  for  their  services 
to  the  nation  have  been  second  only  to  the  services  of  the  men 
whose  places  they  were  called  upon  to  fill  One  general  prin- 
ciple is  clear:  No  female  worker  should  remain  in  any  occupa- 
tion that  is  harmful  to  health  or  morals.  Women  should  dis- 
appear as  quickly  as  possible  from  such  tasks  as  conducting  and 
guarding  street  cars,  cleaning  locomotives,  and  a  great  number 
of  other  activities  for  which  conditions  of  work  and  their  phy- 
sique render  them  unfit.  Another  general  principle  is  that  the 
proportion  of  women  in  industry  ought  to  be  kept  within  the 
smallest  practical  limits.  If  we  have  an  efficient  national  em- 
ployment sei-vice,  if  a  goodly  number  of  the  returned  soldiers 
and  sailors  are  placed  on  the  land,  and  if  wages  and  the  de- 
mand for  goods  are  kept  up  to  the  level  which  is  easily  attain- 
able, all  female  workers  who  are  displaced  from  tasks  that  they 
have  been  performing  only  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  will 
be  able  to  find  suitable  employment  in  other  parts  of  the  in- 


PROGRAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION     229 

dustrial  field,  or  in  those  domestic  occupations  which  sorely  need, 
their  presence.  Those  women  who  are  engaged  at  the  same 
tasks  as  men  should  receive  equal  pay  for  equal  amounts  and 
qualities  of  work. 

NATIONAX,    WAE    LAEOR    BOAED 

One  of  the  most  beneficial  governmental  organizations  of  the 
war  is  the  National  War  Labor  Board.  Upon  the  basis  of  a 
few  fundamental  principles,  unanimously  adopted  by  the  rep- 
resentatives of  labor,  capital,  and  the  public,  it  has  prevented 
innumerable  strikes,  and  raised  wages  to  decent  levels  in  many 
different  industries  throughout  the  country.  Its  main  guid- 
ing principles  have  been  a  family  living  wage  for  all  male  adult 
laborers;  recognition  of  the  right  of  labor  to  organize,  and  to 
deal  with  employers  through  its  chosen  representatives;  and 
no  coercion  of  non-union  laborers  by  members  of  the  union. 
The  War  Labor  Board  ought  to  be  continued  in  existence  by 
Congress,  and  endowed  with  all  the  power  for  effective  action 
that  it  can  possess  under  the  Federal  Constitution.  The  prin- 
ciples, methods,  machinery  and  results  of  this  institution  con- 
stitute a  definite  and  far-reaching  gain  for  social  justice.  No 
part  of  this  advantage  should  be  lost  or  given  up  in  time  of 
peace. 

PRESENT    WAGE    RATES    SHOULD    BE    SUSTAINED 

The  general  level  of  wages  attained  during  the  war  should 
not  be  lowered.  In  a  few  industries,  especially  some  directly 
and  peculiarly  connected  with  the  carrying  on  of  war,  wages 
have  reached  a  plane  upon  which  they  cannot  possibly  con- 
tinue for  this  grade  of  occupations.  But  the  number  of 
workers  in  this  situation  is  an  extremely  small  proportion  of  the 
entire  wage-earning  population.  The  overwhelming  majority 
should  not  be  compelled  or  suffered  to  undergo  any  reduction  in 
their  rates  of  remuneration,  for  two  reasons :  First,  because  the 
average  rate  of  pay  has  not  increased  faster  than  the  cost  of 
living;  second,  because  a  considerable  majority  of  the  wage- 
earners  of  the  United  States,  both  men  and  women,  were  not 
receiving  living  wages  when  prices  began  to  rise  in  1915.  In 
that  year,  according  to  Lauck  and  Sydenstricker,  whose  work 


230  CHUKCH  AND  LAEOE 

is  the  most  compreliensive  on  the  subject,  four-fifths  of  the 
heads  of  families  obtained  less  than  800  dollars,  while  two- 
thirds  of  the  female  wage-earners  were  paid  less  than  400  dol- 
lars. Even  if  the  prices  of  goods  should  fall  to  the  level  on 
which  they  were  in  1915  —  something  that  cannot  be  hoped  for 
within  five  years  —  the  average  present  rates  of  wages  would 
not  exceed  the  equivalent  of  a  decent  livelihood  in  the  case  of 
the  vast  majority.  The  exceptional  instances  to  the  contrary 
are  practically  all  among  the  skilled  workers.  Therefore,  wages 
on  the  whole  should  not  be  reduced  even  when  the  cost  of  liv- 
ing recedes  from  its  present  high  level. 

Even  if  the  great  majority  of  workers  were  now  in  receipt 
of  more  than  living  wages,  there  are  no  good  reasons  why  rates 
of  pay  should  be  lowered.  After  all,  a  living  wage  is  not  neces- 
sarily the  full  measure  of  justice.  All  the  Catholic  authorities 
on  the  subject  explicitly  declare  that  this  is  only  the  minimum 
of  justice.  In  a  country  as  rich  as  ours,  there  are  very  few- 
cases  in  which  it  is  possible  to  prove  that  the  worker  would  be 
getting  more  than  that  to  which  he  has  a  right  if  he  were  paid 
something  in  excess  of  this  ethical  minimum.  Why,  then, 
should  we  assume  that  this  is  the  normal  share  of  almost  the 
whole  laboring  population  ?  Since  our  industrial  resources  and 
instrumentalities  are  sufficient  to  provide  more  than  a  living 
wage  for  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  workers,  why  should 
we  acquiesce  in  a  theory  which  denies  them  this  measure  of  the 
comforts  of  life  ?  Such  a  policy  is  not  only  of  very  question- 
able morality,  but  is  unsound  economically.  The  large  de- 
mand for  goods  which  is  created  and  maintained  by  high  rates 
of  wages  and  high  purchasing  power  by  the  masses  is  the  surest 
guarantee  of  a  continuous  and  general  operation  of  industrial 
establishments.  It  is  the  most  effective  instrument  of  pros- 
perity for  labor  and  capital  alike.  The  principal  beneficiaries 
of  a  general  reduction  of  wages  would  be  the  less  efficient  among 
the  capitalists,  and  the  more  comfortable  sections  of  the  con- 
sumers. The  wage-earners  would  lose  more  in  remuneration 
than  they  would  gain  from  whatever  fall  in  prices  occurred  as 
a  direct  result  of  the  fall  in  wages.  On  grounds  both  of  justice 
and  sound  economics,  we  should  give  our  hearty  support  to  all 


PROGKAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      231 

legitimate  efforts  made  by  labor  to  resist  general  wage   re- 
ductions. 

HOUSING    FOE,    WOKKING    CLASSES 

Housing  projects  for  war  workers  which  have  been  com- 
pleted; or  almost  completed  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  have  cost  some  forty  million  dollars,  and  are  found  in 
eleven  cities.  While  the  Federal  Government  cannot  continue 
this  work  in  time  of  peace,  the  example  and  precedent  that  it 
has  set,  and  the  experience  and  knowledge  that  it  has  developed, 
should  not  be  forthwith  neglected  and  lost.  The  great  cities 
in  which  congestion  and  other  forms  of  bad  housing  are  dis- 
gracefully apparent  ought  to  take  up  and  continue  the  work, 
at  least  to  such  an  extent  as  will  remove  the  worst  features  of 
a  social  condition  that  is  a  menace  at  once  to  industrial  effi- 
ciency, civic  health,  good  morals  and  religion. 

EEDUCTION    OF    THE    COST    OF    LIVING 

During  the  war  the  cost  of  living  rose  at  least  seventy-five 
per  cent,  above  the  level  of  1913.  Some  check  has  been  placed 
upon  the  upward  trend  by  government  fixing  of  prices  in  the 
case  of  bread  and  coal,  and  a  few  other  commodities.  Even 
if  we  believe  it  desirable,  we  cannot  ask  that  the  Government 
continue  this  action  after  the  articles  of  peace  have  been  signed ; 
for  neither  public  opinion  nor  Congress  is  ready  for  such  a  revo- 
lutionary policy.  If  the  extortionate  practices  of  monopoly 
were  prevented  by  adequate  laws  and  adequate  law  enforce- 
ment, prices  would  automatically  be  kept  at  as  low  a  level  as 
that  to  which  they  might  be  brought  by  direct  government  de- 
termination. Just  what  laws,  in  addition  to  those  already  on 
the  statute  books,  are  necessary  to  abolish  monopolistic  extor- 
tion is  a  question  of  detail  that  need  not  be  considered  here  In 
passing,  it  may  be  noted  that  government  competition  with 
monopolies  that  cannot  be  effectively  restrained  by  the  ordinary 
anti-trust  laws  deserves  more  serious  consideration  than  it  has 
yet  received. 

More  important  and  more  effective  than  any  government 
regulation  of  prices  would  be  the  establishment  of  cooperative 
stores.     The  enormous  toll  taken  from  industry  by  the  various 


232  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

classes  of  middlemen  is  now  fully  realized.  The  astonishing 
difference  between  the  price  received  by  the  producer  and  that 
paid  by  the  consumer  has  become  a  scandal  of  our  industrial 
system.  The  obvious  and  direct  means  of  reducing  this  dis- 
crepancy and  abolishing  unnecessary  middlemen  is  the  opera- 
tion of  retail  and  wholesale  mercantile  concerns  under  the 
ownership  and  management  of  the  consumers.  This  is  no 
Utopian  scheme.  It  has  been  successfully  carried  out  in  Eng- 
land and  Scotland  through  the  Rochdale  system.  Very  few 
serious  efforts  of  this  kind  have  been  made  in  this  country  be- 
cause our  people  have  not  felt  the  need  of  these  co-operative 
enterprises  as  keenly  as  the  European  working  classes,  and  be- 
cause we  have  been  too  impatient  and  too  individualistic  to 
make  the  necessary  sacrifices  and  to  be  content  with  moderate 
benefits  and  gTadual  progress.  Nevertheless,  our  superior 
energy,  initiative  and  commercial  capacity  will  enable  us,  once 
we  set  about  the  task  earnestly,  even  to  surpass  what  has  been 
done  in  England  and  Scotland. 

In  addition  to  reducing  the  cost  of  living,  the  co-operative 
stores  would  train  our  working  people  and  consumers  generally 
in  habits  of  saving,  in  careful  expenditure,  in  business  methods, 
and  in  the  capacity  for  co-operation.  When  the  working  classes 
have  learned  to  make  the  sacrifices  and  to  exercise  the  patience 
required  by  the  ownership  and  operation  of  co-operative  stores, 
they  will  be  equipped  to  undertake  a  great  variety  of  tasks  and 
projects  which  benefit  the  community  immediately,  and  all  its 
constituent  members  ultimately.  They  will  then  realize  the 
folly  of  excessive  selfishness  and  senseless  individualism.  Until 
they  have  acquired  this  knowledge,  training  and  capacity,  de- 
sirable extensions  of  governmental  action  in  industry  will  not 
be  attended  b^^  a  normal  amount  of  success.  No  machinery 
of  government  can  operate  automatically,  and  no  official  and 
bureaucratic  administration  of  such  machinery  can  ever  be  a 
substitute  for  intelligent  interest  and  cooperation  by  the  in- 
dividuals of  the  community. 

THE    LEGAL    MINIMUM    WAGE 

Turning  now  from  those  agencies  and  laws  that  have  been 
put  in  operation  during  the  war  to  the  general  subject  of  labor 


PROGEAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTEUCTION      233 

legislation  and  problems,  we  are  glad  to  note  that  there  is  no 
longer  any  serious  objection  urged  bv  impartial  persons  against 
the  legal  minimum  wage.  The  several  states  should  enact 
laws  providing  for  the  establishment  of  wage  rates  that  will  be 
at  least  sufficient  for  the  decent  maintenance  of  a  family,  in 
the  case  of  all  male  adults,  and  adequate  to  the  decent  in- 
dividual support  of  female  workers.  In  the  beginning  the 
minimum  wages  for  male  workers  should  suffice  only  for  the 
present  needs  of  the  family,  but  they  should  be  gradually  raised 
until  they  are  adequate  to  future  needs  as  well.  That  is,  they 
should  be  ultimately  high  enough  to  make  possible  that  amount 
of  saving  which  is  necessary  to  protect  the  worker  and  his  fam- 
ily against  sickness,  accidents,  invalidity  and  old  age. 

SOCIAL.    INSURANCE 

Until  this  level  of  legal  minimum  wages  is  reached  the 
worker  stands  in  need  of  the  device  of  insurance.  The  state 
should  make  comprehensive  provision  for  insurance  against  ill- 
ness, invalidity,  unemployment,  and  old  age.  So  far  as  pos- 
sible the  insurance  fund  should  be  raised  by  a  levy  on  industry, 
as  is  now  done  in  the  case  of  accidental  compensation.  The 
industry  in  which  a  man  is  employed  should  provide  him  with 
all  that  is  necessary  to  meet  all  the  needs  of  his  entire  life. 
Therefore,  any  contribution  to  the  insurance  fund  from  the  gen- 
eral revenues  of  the  state  should  be  only  slight  and  temporary. 
For  the  same  reason  no  contribution  should  be  exacted  from 
any  worker  who  is  not  getting  a  higher  wage  than  is  required 
to  meet  the  present  needs  of  himself  and  family.  Those  who 
are  below  that  level  can  make  such  a  contribution  only  at  the 
expense  of  their  present  welfare.  Finally,  the  administration 
of  the  insurance  laws  should  be  such  as  to  interfere  as  little  as 
possible  with  the  individual  freedom  of  the  worker  and  his  fam- 
ily. Any  insurance  scheme,  or  any  administration  method,  that 
tends  to  separate  the  workers  into  a  distinct  and  dependent 
class,  that  offends  against  their  domestic  privacy  and  indepen- 
dence, or  that  threatens  individual  self-reliance  and  self-respect, 
should  not  be  tolerated.  The  ideal  to  be  kept  in  mind  is  a 
condition  in  which  all  the  workers  would  themselves  have  the 
income  and  the  responsibility  of  providing  for  all  the  needs 


234  CHURCH  AND  LABOE 

and  contingencies  of  life,  both  present  and  future.  Hence  all 
forms  of  State  insurance  should  be  regarded  as  merely  a  lesser 
evil,  and  should  be  so  organized  and  administered  as  to  hasten 
the  coming  of  the  normal  condition. 

The  life  insurance  offered  to  soldiers  and  sailors  during  the 
war  should  be  continued,  so  far  as  the  enlisted  men  are  con- 
cerned. It  is  very  doubtful  whether  the  time  has  yet  arrived 
when  public  opinion  would  sanction  the  extension  of  general 
life  insurance  by  the  Government  to  all  classes  of  the  com- 
munity. 

The  establishment  and  maintenance  of  municipal  health  in- 
spection in  all  schools,  public  and  private,  is  now  pretty  gen- 
erally recognized  as  of  great  importance  and  benefit.  Municipal 
clinics  where  the  poorer  classes  could  obtain  the  advantage  of 
medical  treatment  by  specialists  at  a  reasonable  cost  would 
likewise  seem  to  have  become  a  necessity.  A  vast  amount  of 
unnecessary  sickness  and  suffering  exists  among  the  poor  and 
the  lower  middle  classes  because  they  cannot  afford  the  ad- 
vantages of  any  other  treatment  except  that  provided  by  the 
general  practitioner.  Every  effort  should  be  made  to  supply 
wage-earners  and  their  families  with  specialized  medical  care 
through  development  of  group  medicine.  Free  medical  care 
should  be  given  only  to  those  who  cannot  afford  to  pay. 

LABOE    PAETICIPATIO'N'    IN    INDUSTRIAL    MANAGEMENT 

The  right  of  labor  to  organize  and  to  deal  with  employers 
through  representatives  has  been  asserted  above  in  connection 
with  the  discussion  of  the  War  Labor  Board.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  this  right  will  never  again  be  called  in  question  by  any 
considerable  number  of  employers.  In  addition  to  this,  labor 
ought  gradually  to  receive  greater  representation  in  what  the 
English  group  of  Quaker  employers  have  called  the  "  indus- 
trial "  part  of  business  management — "  the  control  of  processes 
and  machinery;  nature  of  product;  engagement  and  dismissal 
of  employees ;  hours  of  work,  rates  of  pay,  bonuses,  etc. ;  wel- 
fare work ;  shop  discipline ;  relations  with  trade  unions."  The 
establishment  of  shop  committees,  working  wherever  possible 
with  the  trade  union,  is  the  method  suggested  by  this  group 
of  employers  for  giving  the  employees  the  proper  share  of  in- 


PROGRAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION     235 

dustrial  management.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  frank 
adoption  of  these  means  and  ends  by  employers  would  not  only 
promote  the  welfare  of  the  workers,  but  vastly  improve  the  re- 
lations between  them  and  their  employers,  and  increase  the 
efficiency  and  productiveness  of  each  establishment. 

There  is  no  need  here  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  safety 
and  sanitation  in  work  places,  as  this  is  pretty  generally  recog- 
nized by  legislation.  What  is  required  is  an  extension  and 
strengthening  of  many  of  the  existing  statutes,  and  a  better  ad- 
ministration and  enforcement  of  such  laws  everywhere. 

VOCATIONAL,    TRAINING 

The  need  of  industrial,  or  as  it  has  come  to  be  more  gener- 
ally called,  vocational  training,  is  now  universally  acknowl- 
edged. In  the  interest  of  the  nation  as  well  as  in  that  of  the 
workers  themselves,  this  training  should  be  made  substantially 
universal.  While  we  cannot  now  discuss  the  subject  in  any  de- 
tail, we  do  wish  to  set  down  two  general  observations.  First, 
the  vocational  training  should  be  offered  in  such  forms  and  con- 
ditions as  not  to  deprive  the  children  of  the  working  classes 
of  at  least  the  elements  of  a  cultural  education.  A  healthy 
democracy  cannot  tolerate  a  purely  industrial  or  trade  educa- 
tion for  any  class  of  its  citizens.  We  do  not  want  to  have  the 
children  of  the  wage^earners  put  into  a  special  class  in  which 
they  are  marked  as  outside  the  sphere  of  opportunities  for  cul- 
ture. The  second  observation  is  that  the  system  of  vocational 
training  should  not  operate  so  as  to  weaken  in  any  degree  our 
parochial  schools  or  any  other  class  of  private  schools.  In- 
deed, the  opportimities  of  the  system  should  be  extended  to  all 
qualified  private  schools  on  exactly  the  same  basis  as  to  public 
schools.  We  want  neither  class  divisions  in  education  nor  a 
State  monopoly  of  education. 

CHILD    LABOR 

The  question  of  education  naturally  suggests  the  subject  of 
child  labor.  Public  opinion  in  the  majority  of  the  states  of 
our  country  has  set  its  face  inflexibly  against  the  continuous 
employment  of  children  in  industry  before  the  age  of  sixteen 
years.     Within  a  reasonably  short  time  all  of  our  states,  ex- 


a3'6  CHUECH  AND  LAEOR 

cept  some  stagnant  ones,  will  have  laws  providing  for  this 
reasonable  standard.  The  education  of  public  opinion  must 
continue,  but  inasmuch  as  the  process  is  slow,  the  abolition  of 
child  labor  in  certain  sections  seems  unlikely  to  be  brought  about 
bj  the  legislatures  of  those  states,  and  since  the  Keating-Owen 
Act  has  been  declared  unconstitutional,  there  seems  to  be  no 
device  by  which  this  reproach  to  our  country  can  be  removed  ex- 
cept that  of  taxing  child  labor  out  of  existence.  This  method 
is  embodied  in  an  amendment  to  the  Federal  Revenue  Bill 
which  would  impose  a  tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  all  goods  made 
by  children. 

SUFFICIENT    FOR    THE    PEESENT 

Probably  the  foregoing  proposals  comprise  everything  that 
is  likely  to  have  practical  value  in  a  program  of  immediate 
social  reconstruction  for  America.  Substantially  all  of  these 
methods,  laws  and  recommendations  have  been  recognized  in 
principle  by  the  United  States  during  the  war,  or  have  been 
indorsed  by  important  social  and  industrial  groups  and  organi- 
zations. Therefore,  they  are  objects  that  we  can  set  before  the 
people  with  good  hope  of  obtaining  a  sympathetic  and  practical 
response.  Were  they  all  realized  a  great  step  would  have  been 
taken  in  the  direction  of  social  justice.  When  they  are  all  put 
into  operation  the  way  will  be  easy  and  obvious  to  still  greater 
and  more  beneficial  results. 

TJLTTMATB   AND    FUNDAMENTAL    EEFORMS 

Despite  the  practical  and  immediate  character  of  the  present 
statement,  we  cannot  entirely  neglect  the  question  of  ultimate 
aims  and  a  systematic  program ;  for  other  groups  are  busy 
issuing  such  systematic  pronouncements,  and  we  all  need  some- 
thing of  the  kind  as  a  philosophical  foundation  and  as  a  satis- 
faction to  our  natural  desire  for  comprehensive  statements. 

It  seems  clear  that  the  present  industrial  system  is  destined 
to  last  for  a  long  time  in  its  main  outlines.  That  is  to  say, 
private  ownership  of  capital  is  not  likely  to  be  supplanted  by 
a  collectivist  organization  of  industry  at  a  date  sufficiently  near 
to  justify  any  present  action  based  on  the  hypothesis  of  its 
arrival.     This  forecast  we  recognize  as  not  only  extremely  prob- 


PROGRAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      237 

able,  but  as  highly  desirable ;  for,  other  objections  apart,  Social- 
ism would  mean  bureaucracy,  political  tyranny,  the  helpless- 
ness of  the  individual  as  a  factor  in  the  ordering  of  his  own 
life,  and  in  general  social  inefficiency  and  decadence. 

MAIN    DEIFECTS    OF    PRESENT    SYSTEM 

Nevertheless,  the  present  system  stands  in  grievous  need  of 
considerable  modifications  and  improvement.  Its  main  defects 
are  three:  Enormous  inefficiency  and  waste  in  the  production 
and  distribution  of  commodities;  insufficient  incomes  for  the 
majority  of  wage-earners,  and  unnecessarily  large  incomes  for  a 
small  minority  of  privileged  capitalists.  Inefficiency  in  the 
production  and  distribution  of  goods  would  be  in  great  measure 
abolished  by  the  reforms  that  have  been  outlined  in  the  fore- 
going pages.  Production  would  be  greatly  increased  by  uni- 
versal living  wages,  by  adequate  industrial  education,  and  by 
harmonious  relations  between  labor  and  capital  on  the  basis 
of  adequate  participation  by  the  former  in  all  the  industrial 
aspects  of  business  management.  The  wastes  of  commodity 
distribution  could  be  practically  all  eliminated  by  co-operative 
mercantile  establishments,  and  cooperative  selling  and  market- 
ing associations. 

CO-OPERATION    ANT)    COr-PABTNEESHIP 

Nevertheless,  the  full  possibilities  of  increased  production  will 
not  be  realized  so  long  as  the  majority  of  the  workers  remain 
mere  wage-earners.  The  majority  must  somehow  become 
owners,  or  at  least  in  part,  of  the  instruments  of  production. 
They  can  be  enabled  to  reach  this  stage  gradually  through  co- 
operative productive  societies  and  co-partnership  arrangements. 
In  the  former,  the  workers  own  and  manage  the  industries  them- 
selves; in  the  latter  they  own  a  substantial  part  of  the  cor- 
porate stock  and  exercise  a  reasonable  share  in  the  management. 
However  slow  the  attainment  of  these  ends,  they  will  have  to 
be  reached  before  we  can  have  a  thoroughly  efficient  system  of 
production,  or  an  industrial  and  social  order  that  will  be  secure 
from  the  danger  of  revolution.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  par- 
ticular modification  of  the  existing  order,  though  far-reaching 
and  involving  to  a  great  extent  the  abolition  of  the  wage  sys- 


238  CHUE-CH  AKD  LAEOR 

tern,  would  not  mean  the  abolition  of  private  ownership.  The 
instruments  of  production  would  still  be  owned  by  individuals, 
not  by  the  State. 

INCEEIASED    INCOMES    FOR   LABOR 

The  second  great  evil,  that  of  insufficient  income  for  the  ma- 
jority, can  be  removed  only  by  providing  the  workers  with  more 
income.  This  means  not  only  universal  living  wages,  but  the 
opportunity  of  obtaining  something  more  than  that  amount  for 
all  who  are  willing  to  work  hard  and  faithfully.  All  the  other 
measures  for  labor  betterment  recommended  in  the  preceding 
pages  would  likewise  contribute  directly  or  indirectly  to  a  more 
just  distribution  of  wealth  in  the  interest  of  the  laborer. 

ABOLITION    ANI>    CONTROL    OF    MONOPOLIES 

For  the  third  evil  mentioned  above,  excessive  gains  by  a 
small  minority  of  privileged  capitalists,  the  main  remedies  are 
prevention  of  monopolistic  control  of  commodities,  adequate 
government  regulation  of  such  public  service  monopolies  as 
will  remain  under  private  operation,  and  heavy  taxation  of  in- 
comes, excess  profits  and  inheritances.  The  precise  methods 
by  which  genuine  competition  may  be  restored  and  maintained 
among  businesses  that  are  naturally  competitive,  cannot  be  dis- 
cussed here;  but  the  principle  is  clear  that  human  beings  can- 
not be  trusted  with  the  immense  opportunities  for  oppression 
and  extortion  that  go  with  the  possession  of  monopoly  power. 
That  the  owners  of  public  service  monopolies  should  be  re- 
stricted by  law  to  a  fair  or  average  return  on  their  actual  in- 
vestment, has  long  been  a  recognized  principle  of  the  courts, 
the  legislatures,  and  public  opinion.  It  is  a  principle  which 
should  be  applied  to  competitive  enterprises  likewise,  with  the 
qualification  that  something  more  than  the  average  rate  of  re- 
turn should  be  allowed  to  men  who  exhibit  exceptional  efficiency. 
However,  good  public  policy,  as  well  as  equity,  demands  that 
these  exceptional  business  men  share  the  fruits  of  their  effi- 
ciency with  the  consumer  in  the  form  of  lower  prices.  The 
man  who  utilizes  his  ability  to  produce  cheaper  than  his  Com- 
petitors for  the  purpose  of  exacting  from  the  public  as  high  a 
price  for  his  product  as  is  necessary  for  the  least  efficient  busi- 


PROGRAM  OF  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION     239 

ness  man,  is  a  menace  rather  than  a  benefit  to  industry  and 
society. 

Our  immense  war  debt  constitutes  a  particular  reason  why 
incomes  and  excess  profits  should  continue  to  be  heavily  taxed. 
In  this  way  two  important  ends  will  be  attained :  the  poor  will 
be  relieved  of  injurious  tax  burdens,  and  the  small  class  of  spe- 
cially privileged  capitalists  will  be  compelled  to  return  a  part 
of  their  unearned  gains  to  society. 

A    NEW    SPIRIT    A    VITAL    KTEED 

"  Society,"  said  Pope  Leo  XIII,  "  can  be  healed  in  no  other 
way  than  by  a  return  to  Christian  life  and  Christian  institu- 
tions." The  truth  of  these  words  is  more  widely  perceived 
to-day  than  when  they  were  written,  more  than  twenty-seven 
years  ago.  Changes  in  our  economic  and  political  systems  will 
have  only  partial  and  feeble  efficacy  if  they  be  not  reinforced  by 
the  Christian  view  of  work  and  wealth.  Neither  the  moderate 
reforms  advocated  in  this  paper,  nor  any  other  program  of  bet- 
terment or  reconstruction  will  prove  reasonably  effective  with- 
out a  reform  in  the  spirit  of  both  labor  and  capital.  The  laborer 
must  come  to  realize  that  he  owes  his  employer  and  society  an 
honest  day's  work  in  return  for  a  fair  wage,  and  that  conditions 
cannot  be  substantially  improved  until  he  roots  out  the  de- 
sire to  get  a  maximum  of  return  for  a  minimum  of  service. 
The  capitalist  must  likewise  get  a  new  viewpoint  He  needs 
to  learn  the  long-forgotten  truth  that  wealth  is  stewardship,  that 
profit-making  is  not  the  basic  justification  of  business  enter- 
prise, and  that  there  are  such  things  as  fair  profits,  fair  interest 
and  fair  prices.  Above  and  before  all,  he  must  cultivate  and 
strengthen  within  his  mind  the  truth  which  many  of  his  class 
have  begun  to  grasp  for  the  first  time  during  the  present  war; 
namely,  that  the  laborer  is  a  human  being,  not  merely  an  instru- 
ment of  production ;  and  that  the  laborer's  right  to  a  decent  live- 
lihood is  the  first  moral  charge  upon  industry.  The  employer 
has  a  right  to  get  a  reasonable  living  out  of  his  business,  but 
he  haa  no  right  to  interest  on  his  investment  until  his  em- 
ployees have  obtained  at  least  living  wages.  This  is  the  human 
and  Christian,  in  contrast  to  the  purely  commercial  and  pagan, 
ethics  of  industry. 


3.     EXTRACT  FROM  THE  PASTORAL  LETTER  OF 
THE  FREIsTCH  HIERARCHY  ^ 

UNION    AMONG    SOCIAL    CLASSES 

We  united  to  oppose  the  unjust  aggression  whieli  imperilled 
the  integrity  and  independence  of  the  nation.  Our  union  must 
endure ;  necessary  as  it  is  for  the  defense  of  the  country,  it  is 
no  less  necessary  for  rehabilitation. 

It  is  imperative  that  religious  quarrels  be  forever  banished 
from  our  midst,  and  that  everyone  should  be  allowed  to  be 
faithful  to  his  religious  convictions  without  fear  of  ostracism 
or  disfavor. 

The  union  of  classes  cemented  during  the  war  by  common  de- 
votion and  sacrifice  must  continue  in  time  of  peace.  Struggles 
between  the  various  classes  could  not  but  be  fatal  to  all.  Ac- 
cording to  the  teaching  of  the  Church  which,  after  the  example 
of  her  divine  Founder,  has  always  befriended  the  small  and  the 
weak,  inequality  of  position  in  the  world  is  an  inevitable  con- 
sequence of  inequality  of  intelligence,  talents,  strength,  health 
and  the  diversity  of  the  circumstances  of  life.  One  must  ac- 
cept it  as  a  disposition  of  Providence  and  a  social  necessity. 

In  like  manner,  the  right  to  hold  property  is  a  natural  right. 
It  is  the  safeguard  of  family  life,  the  stimulus  and  the  reward 
of  work.  Collectivist  socialism  is,  at  once,  an  error  and  a  peril. 
The  means  of  reestablishing  and  preserving  peace  in  society 
consist  in  the  observance  among  the  different  classes  of  their 
reciprocal  duties,  according  to  the  teaching  of  the  Gospel.  Let 
employers  and  workmen  understand  that  they  depend  upon 
each  other,  and  let  them  agree  to  be  upright  with  each  other 
in  order  to  promote  their  common  interests  by  friendly  and 
productive  cooperation,  instead  of  jeopardizing  them  by  fruit- 
less struggles. 

As  for  ourselves,  Ministers  of  Him  whose  heart  was  moved 

1  In.  the  spring  of  1919. 

240 


THE  FREI^CH  HIERARCHY  241 

to  compassion  by  all  human  miseries,  we  open  our  arms  and 
our  hearts  to  our  dear  people.  We  are  ready  to  work  with 
them  toward  the  betterment  of  their  lot  by  every  legitimate 
means,  and  we  believe  we  can  assure  them  that,  if  they  have 
other  friends  besides  us,  they  have  none  who  are  more  sincere, 
more  devoted,  and  more  disinterested. 


4.  EXTRACT  FROM  THE  PASTORAL  LETTER  OF 
THE  ARCHBISHOPS  AND  BISHOPS  OE  THE 
UNITED  STATES  ^ 

In  1891,  Pope  Leo  XIII  published  his  Encyclical  Berum 
Novarum,  a  document  which  shows  the  insight  of  that  great 
Pontiff  into  the  industrial  conditions  of  the  time,  and  his  wis- 
dom in  pointing  out  the  principles  needed  for  the  solving  of 
economic  problems.  "  That  the  spirit  of  revolutionary  change 
v;bich  has  long  been  disturbing  the  nations  of  the  world,  should 
have  passed  beyond  the  sphere  of  politics  and  made  its  in- 
fluence felt  in  the  cognate  sphere  of  practical  economics,  is  not 
surprising.  The  elements  of  the  conflict  now  raging  are  un- 
mistakable, in  the  vast  expansion  of  industrial  pursuits  and 
the  marvelous  discoveries  of  science;  in  the  changed  relations 
between  masters  and  workmen;  in  the  enormous  fortunes  of 
some  few  individuals  and  the  utter  poverty  of  the  masses;  in 
the  increased  self-reliance  and  closer  mutual  combination  of  the 
working  classes;  as  also,  finally,  in  the  prevailing  moral  de- 
generacy. The  momentous  gravity  of  the  state  of  things  now 
obtaining  fills  every  mind  with  painful  apprehension ;  wise  men 
are  discussing  it;  practical  men  are  proposing  schemes;  popu- 
lar meetings,  legislatures  and  rulers  of  nations  are  all  busied 
with  it  —  and  actually  there  is  no  question  that  has  taken  a 
deeper  hold  on  the  public  mind." 

How  fully  these  statements  apply  to  our  present  situation, 
must  be  clear  to  all  who  have  noted  the  course  of  events  dur- 
ing the  year  just  elapsed.  The  War  indeed  has  sharpened  the 
issues  and  intensified  the  conflict  that  rages  in  the  world  of 
industry;  but  the  elements,  the  parties  and  their  respective  at- 
titudes are  practically  unchanged.  Unchanged  also  are  the 
principles  which  must  be  applied,  if  order  is  to  be  restored  and 
placed  on  such  a  permanent  basis  that  our  people  may  continue 
their  peaceful  pursuits  without  dread  of  further  disturbance. 

1  Published  Feb.  22,  1920. 

242 


AECHBISHOPS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES      243 

So  far  as  men  are  willing  to  accept  those  principles  as  the  com- 
mon ground  on  which  all  parties  may  meet  and  adjust  their 
several  claims,  there  is  hope  of  a  settlement  without  the  more 
radical  measures  which  the  situation  seemed  but  lately  to  be 
forcing  on  public  authority.  But  in  any  event,  the  agitation  of 
the  last  few  months  should  convince  us  that  something  more 
is  needed  than  temporary  arrangements  or  local  readjustments. 
The  atmosphere  must  be  cleared  so  that,  however  great  the 
difficulties  which  presently  block  the  way,  men  of  good  will 
may  not,  through  erroneous  preconceptions,  go  stumbling  on 
from  one  detail  to  another,  thus  adding  confusion  to  darkness 
of  counsel. 

NATURE    OF    THE    QUESTION 

"  It  is  the  opinion  of  some,"  says  Pope  Leo  XIII,  "  and  the 
error  is  already  very  conunon,  that  the  social  question  is  merely 
an  economic  one,  whereas  in  point  of  fact,  it  is  first  of  all  a 
moral  and  religious  matter,  and  for  that  reason  its  settlement 
is  to  be  sought  mainly  in  the  moral  law  and  the  pronouncements 
of  religion  "  (Apostolic  Letter,  Graves  de  communi,  January 
18,  1901).  These  words  are  as  pertinent  and  their  teaching  as 
necessary  today  as  they  were  nineteen  years  ago.  Their  mean- 
ing, substantially,  has  been  reaffirmed  by  Pope  Benedict  XV  in 
his  recent  statement  that  "  without  justice  and  charity  there 
will  be  no  social  progress."  The  fact  that  men  are  striving  for 
what  they  consider  to  be  their  rights,  puts  their  dispute  on  a 
moral  basis ;  and  wherever  justice  may  lie,  whichever  of  the  op- 
posing claims  may  have  the  better  foundation,  it  is  justice  that 
all  demand. 

In  the  prosecution  of  their  respective  claims,  the  parties  have, 
apparently,  disregarded  the  fact  that  the  people  as  a  whole  have 
a  prior  claim.  The  great  number  of  unnecessary  strikes  which 
have  occurred  within  the  last  few  months,  is  evidence  that 
justice  has  been  widely  violated  as  regards  the  rights  and  needs 
of  the  public.  To  assume  that  the  only  rights  involved  in  an 
industrial  dispute  are  those  of  capital  and  labor,  is  a  radical 
error.  It  leads,  practically,  to  the  conclusion  that  at  any  time 
and  for  an  indefinite  period,  even  the  most  necessary  products 


244  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

can  be  withheld  from  general  use  until  the  controversy  is 
settled.  In  fact,  while  it  lasts,  millions  of  persons  are  com- 
pelled to  suffer  hardship  for  want  of  goods  and  services  which 
they  require  for  reasonable  living.  The  first  step,  therefore, 
toward  correcting  the  evil  is  to  insist  that  the  rights  of  the 
community  shall  prevail,  and  that  no  individual  claim  con- 
flicting with  those  rights  shall  be  valid. 

Among  those  rights  is  that  which  entitles  the  people  to  order 
and  tranquility  as  the  necessary  condition  for  social  existence. 
Industrial  disturbance  invariably  spreads  beyond  the  sphere  in 
which  it  originates,  and  interferes,  more  or  less  seriously,  with 
other  occupations.  The  whole  economic  system  is  so  compacted 
together  and  its  parts  are  so  dependent  one  upon  the  other,  that 
the  failure  of  a  single  element,  especially  if  this  be  of  vital  im- 
portance, must  affect  all  the  rest.  The  disorder  which  ensues 
is  an  injustice  inflicted  upon  the  community;  and  the  wrong  is 
the  greater  because,  usually,  there  is  no  redress.  Those  who  are 
responsible  for  it  pursue  their  own  ends  without  regard  for 
moral  consequences  and,  in  some  cases,  with  no  concern  for  the 
provisions  of  law.  When  such  a  temper  asserts  itself,  indigna- 
tion is  aroused  throughout  the  country  and  the  authorities  are 
urged  to  take  action.  This,  under  given  circumstances,  may  be 
the  only  possible  course ;  but,  as  experience  shows,  it  does  not 
eradicate  the  evil.  A  further  diagnosis  is  needed.  The  causes 
of  industrial  trouble  are  generally  known,  as  are  also  the  various 
phases  through  which  it  develops  and  the  positions  which  the 
several  parties  assume.  The  more  serious  problem  is  to  ascer- 
tain why,  in  such  conditions,  men  fail  to  see  their  obligations 
to  one  another  and  to  the  public,  or  seeing  them,  refuse  to 
fulfill  them  except  under  threat  and  compulsion. 

MUTUAL    OBLIGATIONS 

"  The  great  mistake  in  regard  to  the  matter  now  under  con- 
sideration is  to  take  up  with  the  notion  that  class  is  naturally 
hostile  to  class,  and  that  the  wealthy  and  the  workingmen  are 
intended  by  nature  to  live  in  mutual  conflict "  {Rerum 
Novarum).  On  the  contrary,  as  Pope  Leo  adds,  "  each  needs 
the  other ;  Capital  cannot  do  without  Labor,  nor  Labor  without 
Capital.     Religion  is  a  powerful  agency  in  drawing  the  rich 


AUCHBISHOPS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES      245 

and  the  bread-winner  together,  by  reminding  each  class  of  its 
^uties  to  the  other  and  especially  of  the  obligation  of  justice. 
Eeligion  teaches  the  laboring  man  and  the  artisan  to  carry  out 
honestly  and  fairly  all  equitable  agreements  freely  arranged, 
to  refrain  from  injuring  person  or  property,  from  using  violence 
and  creating  disorder.  It  teaches  the  owner  and  employer  that 
the  laborer  is  not  their  bondsman,  that  in  every  man  they  must 
respect  his  dignity  and  worth  as  a  man  and  as  a  Christian ;  that 
labor  is  not  a  thing  to  be  ashamed  of,  if  we  listen  to  right 
reason  and  to  Christian  philosophy,  but  is  an  honorable  calling, 
enabling  a  man  to  sustain  his  life  in  a  way  upright  and  credit- 
able ;  and  that  it  is  shameful  and  inhuman  to  treat  men  like 
chattels,  as  means  for  making  money,  or  as  machines  for  grind- 
ing out  work."  The  moral  value  of  man  and  the  dignity  of 
human  labor  are  cardinal  points  in  this  whole  question.  Let 
them  be  the  directive  principles  in  industry,  and  they  will  go 
far  toward  preventing  disputes.  By  treating  the  laborer  first 
of  all  as  a  man,  the  employer  will  make  him  a  better  working- 
man  ;  by  respecting  his  own  moral  dignity  as  a  man,  the  laborer 
will  compel  the  respect  of  his  employer  and  of  the  community. 
The  settlement  of  our  industrial  problems  would  offer  less 
difficulty  if,  while  upholding  its  rights,  each  party  were  dis- 
posed to  meet  the  other  in  a  friendly  spirit.  The  strict  re- 
quirements of  justice  can  be  fulfilled  without  creating  animos- 
ity; in  fact,  where  this  arises,  it  is  apt  to  obscure  the  whole 
issue.  On  the  contrary,  a  manifest  desire  to  win  over,  rather 
than  drive,  the  opponent  to  the  acceptance  of  equitable  terms, 
would  facilitate  the  recognition  of  claims  which  are  founded 
in  justice.  The  evidence  of  such  a  disposition  would  break 
down  the  barriers  of  mistmst  and  set  up  in  their  stead  the 
bond  of  good  will.  ISTot  an  armistice  but  a  conciliation  would 
result;  and  this  would  establish  all  parties  in  the  exercise  of 
their  rights  and  the  cheerful  performance  of  their  duties. 

RESPECTIVE    EIGHTS 

The  right  of  labor  to  organize,  and  the  great  benefit  to  be 
derived  from  workingmen's  associations,  was  plainly  set  forth 
by  Pope  Leo  XIII.  In  this  connection,  we  would  call  atten- 
tion to  two  rights,  one  of  employes  and  the  other  of  employers, 


246.  CHURCH  A^B  LABOR 

the  violation  of  whicli  contributes  largely  to  the  existing  unrest 
and  suffering.     The  first  is  the  right  of  the  workers  to  form  and 
maintain  the  kind  of  organization  that  is  necessary  and  that 
will  be  most  effectual  in  securing  their  welfare.     The  second  is 
the  right  of  employers  to  the  faithful  observance  by  the  labor 
unions  of  all  contracts  and  agreements.     The  unreasonableness 
of  denying  either  of  these  rights  is  too  obvious  to  require  proof 
or  explanation. 
I       A  dispute  that  cannot  be  adjusted  by  direct  negotiation  be- 
y|  tween  the  parties  concerned,  should  always  be  submitted  to  arbi- 
I    tration.     iSTeither  employer  nor  employe  may  reasonably  reject 
i    this  method  on  the  ground  that  it  does  not  bring  about  perfect 
Injustice.     Xo  human  institution  is  perfect  or  infallible;  even 
our  courts  of  law  are  sometimes  in  error.     Like  the  law  court, 
the  tribunal  of  industrial  arbitration  provides  the  nearest  ap- 
proach to  justice  that  is  practically  attainable;  for  the  only 
alternative  is  economic  force,  and  its  decisions  have  no  neces- 
sary relation  to  the  decrees  of  justice.     They  show  which  party 
is  economically  stronger,  not  which  is  in  the  right. 

The  right  of  labor  to  a  living  wage,  authoritatively  and  elo- 
quently reasserted  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago  by 
Pope  Leo  XIII,  is  happily  no  longer  denied  by  any  considerable 
number  of  persons.  What  is  principally  needed  now  is  that  its 
content  should  be  adequately  defined,  and  that  it  should  be  made 
universal  in  practice,  through  whatever  means  will  be  at  once 
legitimate  and  effective.  In  particular,  it  is  to  be  kept  in  mind 
that  a  living  wage  includes  not  merely  decent  maintenance  for 
the  present,  but  also  a  reasonable  provision  for  such  future  needs 
as  sickness,  invalidity  and  old  age.  Capital  likewise  has  its 
rights.  Among  them  is  the  right  to  "  a  fair  day's  work  for  a 
fair  day's  pay,"  and  the  right  to  returns  which  will  be  sufficient 
to  stimulate  thrift,  saving,  initiative,  enterprise,  and  all  those 
directive  and  productive  energies  which  promote  social  welfare. 

BENEFITS    OF    ASSOCIATIGlSr 

In  his  pronouncement  on  Labor  (Rerum  Novarum)  Pope 
Leo  XIII  describes  the  advantages  to  be  derived  by  both  em- 
ployer and  employe  from  "  associations  and  organizations  which 

draw  the  two  classes  more  closely  together."     Such  associations 


AECHBISHOPS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES     247 

are  especially  needed  at  the  present  time.  While  the  labor 
union  or  trade  union  has  been,  and  still  is,  necessary  in  the 
struggle  of  the  workers  for  fair  wages  and  fair  conditions  of 
employment,  we  have  to  recognize  that  its  history,  methods  and 
objects  have  made  it  essentially  a  militant  organization.  The 
time  seems  now  to  have  arrived  when  it  should  be,  not  sup- 
planted, but  supplemented  by  associations  or  conferences,  com- 
posed jointly  of  employers  and  employes,  which  will  place  em- 
phasis upon  the  common  interests  rather  than  the  divergent 
aims  of  the  two  parties,  upon  cooperation  rather  than  conflict. 
Through  such  arrangements,  all  classes  would  be  greatly  bene- 
fited. The  worker  would  participate  in  those  matters  of  in- 
dustrial management  which  directly  concern  him  and  about 
which  he  possesses  helpful  knowledge ;  he  would  acquire  an  in- 
creased sense  of  personal  dignity  and  personal  responsibility, 
take  greater  interest  and  pride  in  his  work,  and  become  more 
efficient  and  more  contented.  The  employer  would  have  the 
benefit  of  willing  cooperation  from,  and  harmonious  relations 
with,  his  employes.  The  consumer,  in  common  with  employer 
and  employe,  would  share  in  the  advantages  of  larger  and 
steadier  production.  In  a  word,  industry  would  be  carried  on 
as  a  cooperative  enterprise  for  the  common  good,  and  not  as  a 
contest  between  t^vo  parties  for  a  restricted  product. 

Deploring  the  social  changes  which  have  divided  "  society 
into  two  widely  different  castes,"  of  which  one  "  holds  power 
because  it  holds  wealth,"  while  the  other  is  "  the  needy  and 
powerless  multitude,"  Pope  Leo  XIII  declared  that  the  remedy 
is  "tg_induce  as  many  as  possible  of  the  humbler  classes  to 
become  owners  "  (Eeium  Novarum).  This  recommendation  is 
in  exact  accord  with  the  traditional  teaching  and  practice  of 
the  Church.  When  her  social  influence  was  greatest,  in  the  later 
Middle  Ages,  the  prevailing  economic  system  was  such  that  the 
workers  w^ere  gradually  obtaining  a  larger  share  in  the  owner- 
ship of  the  lands  upon  which,  and  the  tools  with  which,  they 
labored.  Though  the  economic  arrangements  of  that  time  can- 
not be  restored,  the  underlying  principle  is  of  permanent  appli- 
cation, and  is  the  only  one  that  will  give  stability  to  industrial 
society.  It  should  be  applied  to  our  present  system  as  rapidly 
as  conditions  will  permit. 


248  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

Whatever  may  be  the  industrial  and  social  remedies  which 
will  approve  themselves  to  the  American  people,  there  is  one 
that,  we  feel  confident,  they  will  never  adopt.  That  is  the 
method  of  revoliitioiL  For  it  there  is  neither  justification  nor 
excuse  under  our  form  of  government.  Through  the  ordinary 
and  orderly  processes  of  education,  organization  and  legislation, 
all  social  wrongs  can  be  righted.  While  these  processes  may 
at  times  seem  distressingly  slow,  they  will  achieve  more  in  the 
final  result  than  violence  or  revolution.  The  radicalism,  and 
worse  than  radicalism,  of  the  labor  movement  in  some  of  the 
countries  of  Europe,  has  no  lesson  for  the  workers  of  the  United 
States,  except  as  an  example  of  methods  to  be  detested  and 
avoided. 

Pope  Benedict  has  recently  expressed  a  desire  that  the  people 
should  study  the  great  encyclicals  on  the  social  question  of  his 
predecessor,  Leo  XIII.  We  heartily  commend  this  advice  to 
the  faithful  and,  indeed,  to  all  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
They  will  find  in  these  documents  the  practical  wisdom  which 
the  experience  of  centuries  has  stored  up  in  the  Holy  See  and, 
moreover,  that  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  mankind  which  fitly 
characterizes  the  Head  of  the  Catholic  Church. 


5.    PASTOKAL  LETTER  OF  THE  GERMAN  BISHOPS 
ON  SOCIALISM 

Editor's  Introduction" 

The  following  estimate  of  modem  Socialism  is  of  the  utmost 
importance.  It  is  f^iven  by  men  best  qualified  to  judge  of  it 
impartially,  as  their  position  required  them  to  do.  It  comes 
to  us,  furthermore,  from  the  country  that  gave  birth  to  this 
movement,  in  which  it  developed  most  successfully,  and  where 
its  workings  could  be  studied  under  the  most  favorable  con- 
ditions. 

Those  who  have  merely  considered  the  economic  tenets  of 
Socialism,  as  they  were  proposed  to  them  for  political  purposes, 
may  be  somewhat  startled  at  the  well-considered  and  carefully 
worded  statements  of  this  joint  pastoral.  Individual  Social- 
ists, with  but  little  interest  in  the  ulterior  designs  of  their  leaders 
and  in  the  ultimate  tendencies  of  the  movement  to  which  they 
subscribe  from  purely  industrial  motives,  may  be  far  from  wish- 
ing to  embrace  all  the  erroneous  doctrines  of  Socialism  here  set 
down  and  formally  condemned, —  as  of  necessity  they  must  be 
condemned  by  every  Catholic. 

There  is  question  here,  not  of  an  ideal  Socialism,  such  as 
some  of  its  followers  have  pictured  for  themselves,  but  of  the 
actual  Socialist  movement  as  it  has  always  existed  in  the  Inter- 
national, and  as  it  can  be  studied  historically,  in  its  effects, 
where  it  has  been  able  to  throw  off  its  political  trammels  and 
freely  disclose  itself.  In  France,  Germany,  Spain,  Portugal, 
Mexico,  Russia,  and  wherever  else  it  has  been  able  for  a  time 
to  express  itself  freely,  it  has  answered  fully  to  the  description 
given  to  it  by  the  German  Hierachy.  It  is  everywhere,  openly 
or  covertly,  seeking  the  destruction  of  the  Catholic  schools,  op- 
posing in  its  literature  the  doctrines  and  morality  of  the 
Church,  and  planning  to  effect  her  ruin,  if  that  could  possibly 
be  compassed  by  any  human  power.     How  far  any  particular 

249 


250  CHURCH  AXD  LABOR 

association,  labelled  "  Socialist,"  corresponds  to  this  description 
can  be  ascertained  in  each  instance.  Ultimate  perversion 
through  contact  with  the  materialistic  literature  of  Socialism 
will  follow  with  moral  certainty. 

It  may  be  a  matter  of  surprise  that  the  men  responsible  be- 
fore God  for  the  salvation  of  their  flock  should  so  openly  have 
antagonized  Socialism  in  Germany  at  a  time  when  the  Center 
itself  was  actively  cooperating  with  the  less  radical  Socialists 
in  the  conduct  of  the  newly  formed  German  Republic  of  that 
period. 

The  explanation  is  simple  for  those  who  have  had  the  oppor- 
tunity closely  to  study  the  events  that  then  were  taking  place 
in  Germany.  The  Center,  in  its  cooperation,  never  for  an  in- 
stant ceased  to  protest  that  it  was  inexorably  opposed  to  the 
principles  of  Socialism.  It  was  willing  to  cooperate  with  the 
Socialist  Government  officials  towards  all  measures  that  were 
in  reality  Catholic,  in  so  far  as  they  had  in  view  the  common 
good  of  the  entire  country.  Concessions,  that  did  not  involve 
a  surrender  of  principles,  they  were  willing  to  make,  while 
countless  important  concessions  for  the  common  good  were 
wrung  from  the  Socialists  in  power.  So,  and  so  only,  were 
they  able  to  prevent  a  state  of  anarchy  and  the  triumph  of  the 
most  destructive  radicalism.  It  was  clearly  the  Center,  with  its 
vast  proportion  of  Catholic  members,  that  then  saved  Germany. 
As  an  illustration  of  the  complete  harmony  of  view  between 
the  Bishops  of  the  country  and  responsible  Centrist  leaders  on 
the  question  of  Socialism,  we  may  quote  the  words  of  the 
Centrist  Deputy,  Dr.  Fassbender,  that  appeared  in  the  Deutsche 
Allgemeine  Zeitung  for  !N^ovember  30,  1919  : 

In  view  of  the  ostensibly  neutral,  but  in  reality  hostile  attitude, 
progranimatically  assumed  by  Social  Democracy  (the  German  Social- 
ist party)  towards  Christianity,  no  one  need  be  surprised  that  the 
German  Episcopate  from  the  very  outset  looks  with  suspicion  upon  all 
resolutions  of  a  legal  nature  which  are  passed  under  the  prepon- 
derant  influence  of   Social   Democracy. 

In  Germany,  as  in  many  other  countries,  it  has  been,  from 
first  to  last,  a  struggle  on  the  part  of  loyal  Catholics  to  save 
the  Church  from  the  destruction  which,  cunningly  or  brutally. 


THE  GERMAJT  BISHOPS  ON  SOCIALISM     251 

the  Socialist  International  everywhere  designed  for  her,  whether 
under  the  propaganda  of  a  false  scientific  materialism,  or 
through  taxation  of  Catholic  schools,  or  in  a  direct  attack  upon 
her  morality  and  her  creed,  or  in  a  violent  destruction  of  the 
very  edifices  built  for  her  Divine  worship.  The  philosophy 
of  Socialism  has  everywhere  been  the  same,  a  crass  and  dis- 
credited materialistic  evolution  applied  to  history,  which  Social- 
ists themselves  have  significantly  called  "  historic  materialism  " 
or  "  the  materialistic  conception  of  history."  Socialism,  the 
mental  child  of  the  atheistic  Marx  and  Engels,  can  still,  through 
all  its  growth  and  outward  change  of  dress  and  habits,  be  easily 
recognized  for  their  own.  Such,  in  general,  is  the  Socialist 
movement. 

The  Pastoral 
Beloved  Beethren: 

The  fearful  seriousness  of  the  hour  compels  us  to  address 
you  again  in  a  joint  letter.  Social  democracy  believes  that 
amidst  the  present  disturbances  the  hour  has  come  to  add  to 
its  efforts  by  also  penetrating  more  deeply  the  ranks  of  the 
Catholic  people.  The  Socialist  propaganda  is  conducted  in 
every  direction,  and  even  threatens  many  in  our  dioceses.  One 
still  hears  continually  the  question :  How  stands  Social  Dem- 
ocracy in  regard  to  Christianity  and  the  Church?  Therefore 
we  must  say  a  plain  and  definite  word  to  you  on  the  subject 
today. 

"  Christianity  and  Socialism  have  the  same  relationship  to 
one  another  as  fire  and  water."  Thus  has  one  of  the  most  in- 
fluential and  competent  spokesmen  of  Socialism  expressly  de- 
clared. He  is  in  a  position  to  know.  In  these  words  he  con- 
fessed the  full  and  undeniable  truth.  It  is  really  so:  Chris- 
tianity and  Socialism  stand  towards  one  another  as  fire  and 
water.  One  cannot  be  at  the  same  time  a  convinced  follower 
of  Socialism  and  a  sincere  (aufricJdiger)  Catholic  Christian. 
Either  one  or  the  other.  The  opposition  and  hostility  of  Social- 
ism to  Christianity  and  the  Church  are  implacable. 

The  Socialist  teaching  stands  in  the  strongest  and  sharpest 
contrast  to  our  Catholic  Christian  creed.  Socialism  desires  to 
use  its  strength  to  spread  atheism,  the  denial  of  God,  every- 


252,  CHUECH  AND  LAEOR 

where.  In  this  endeavor  all  its  leaders  have  been  hitherto  as 
one.  That  is  to  say,  the  fatal  false  teaching  of  Socialism  is 
grounded  on  so-called  materialism;  it  is  inwardly  and  insep- 
arably bound  up  with  the  materialist  view  of  the  world.  Ac- 
cordingly it  offers  nothing  at  all  spiritual,  nothing  eternal,  noth- 
ing unchangeable.  Everything  is  matter ;  everything  is  tempo- 
ral; everything  ends  with  death;  everything  that  exists  is  in 
continuous,  changeful  fluctuation.  ISTote,  dear  brethren,  that 
this  is  the  ground  dogma  of  Socialism.  You  see  at  once  tlien 
that  there  is  no  room  for  God,  there  is  no  immortality.  Then 
also  there  is  no  God-Man,  Jesus  Christ ;  no  Divine  Saviour,  no 
salvation.  Then  there  is  no  Church,  no  Sacraments,  no  world 
beyond,  no  reunion  after  death,  no  everlasting  hell  and  no 
eternal  heaven.  Truly  Socialist  teaching  and  Catholic  belief 
stand  towards  each  other  as  fire  and  water. 

Socialism  also  strives  to  shatter  Catholic  moral  teaching  and 
Catholic  moral  life.  It  proclaims  that  it  in  no  way  lays  down 
eternal,  unconditional,  obligatory,  general,  indestructible  moral 
precepts.  It  mocks  the  eternal  God  who  has  created  men  —  and 
will  one  day  judge  them.  It  does  not  pray  and,  as  you  must 
have  recognized  yourselves  lately,  wishes  to  do  away  with 
prayer.  It  denies  the  other  world,  and  requital  there.  It 
does  not  admit  that  there  is  a  duty  and  responsibility  of  con- 
science which  springs  from  God.  Do  not  deceive  yourselves  in 
the  matter:  Socialism  knows  only  of  a  life  for  this  world,  for 
the  earth.  The  Commandments  of  God  it  wants  to  put  away 
and  abolish.  According  to  Socialism,  no  one  need  any  longer 
trouble  about  God  and  His  law.  But  be  assured,  beloved 
brethren,  "God  is  not  mocked"  (Gal.  VI:  7)  by  any  man! 
And  it  remains  everlastingly  true :  "  It  is  appointed  unto 
men  once  to  die,  and  after  this  the  judgment  "  (Heb.  IX:  27). 
The  State  is  to  be  separated  from  the  school ;  the  school  is 
to  be  secular,  that  means  without  religion.  For  the  State  and 
the  school,  God  and  Church  shall  exist  no  longer.  In  the  last 
joint  pastoral,  beloved  brethren,  we  besought  you  for  the  love 
of  Christ  to  consider  what  grievous  wrong  against  God  the 
Lord,  against  His  Church,  against  suffering  humanity,  against 
your  souls  and  against  the  innocent  souls  of  your  children  is 
thus  planned.     We  laid  before  you  in  all  truth  the  danger 


THE  GERMAN  BISHOPS  ON  SOCIALISM     253 

which  arises  from  it  for  State  and  Church,  for  conununity  and 
family.  We  warn  and  beseech  you  today  again:  Do  not  mis- 
take the  dreadful  bearing  of  this  Socialist  movement.  If  So- 
cialism succeeds,  then  —  let  people  say  what  they  will  —  your 
religion  and  freedom  of  conscience  will  be  enslaved  and  gagged. 
The  crucified  Saviour  will  be  banished  shamefully,  disgrace- 
fully from  the  sight  of  the  public  and  from  the  schools. 

The  Socialists  destroy  Christian  marriage  and  the  Christian 
family.  That  this  is  aimed  at,  their  leaders  have  often  enough 
stated  to  everybody.  They  want  to  break  the  unity  and  indis- 
solubility of  Christian  marriage.  They  desire  to  rob  the  family 
of  the  ordained  relationship  of  husband  and  wife  towards  one 
another.  They  want  to  take  away  from  parents  the  right  to 
educate  their  children  according  to  their  convictions  and  their 
own  conscience.  The  Sixth  and  Ninth  Commandments  are  no 
longer  to  be  in  force.  Thus  the  Socialist  dares  to  violate  God's 
holy  law  infamously.  You  clearly  see  that  between  Socialism 
and  Christianity,  no  bridge  is  possible.  But  listen  further. 
Socialism  desires  equal  rights  and  duties  for  all  men.  That 
sounds  well  and  fair,  but  nevertheless,  make  no  mistake! 
There  is  then  no  longer  in  the  family,  in  the  school,  in  the 
State,  or  in  society,  any  one  who  obeys  for  the  sake  of  God  and 
conscience.  The  Fourth  Commandment,  with  all  the  duties 
attached  thereto,  for  the  variously  organized  arrangements  of 
human  society  —  the  whole  of  the  Fourth  Commandment  would 
be  done  away  with. 

SOCIALISM    AND    PRIVATE    PROPERTY 

And  finally,  you  know  that  Socialism  on  principle  wishes 
to  do  away  with  private  property  in  the  means  of  production, 
as,  for  instance,  in  land  and  soil,  tools,  machines,  raw  material, 
and  the  means  of  exchange  (see  the  so-called  Erfurt  Program). 
These  means  of  production  are  to  be  transferred  to  the  posses- 
sion of  the  State.  Therefrom  they  promise  themselves  a  gold 
mine.  In  this  way  they  are  to  find  the  sure  and  inexhaustible 
source  of  good  fortune  and  welfare  for  all  men.  Beloved 
brethren,  do  not  allow  yourselves  to  be  deluded  by  these  schemes 
of  Socialism.  Its  actual  working  would  lead  to  a  cruel  and 
fatal  deception  for  the  great  masses  of  the  people.     Industry 


254  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

and  trade,  handicrafts  and  business  pursuits,  instead  of  flourish- 
ing, would  lose  their  vital  strength.  Afterwards  there  would 
be,  just  as  there  is  today,  a  crowd  of  poor,  unfortunate,  suffer- 
ing men  who,  with  anxiety,  have  to  fight  for  their  existence 
and  are  allotted  to  the  help  of  others.  And  bear  this  well  in 
mind.  The  whole  plan  is  un-Christian  and  goes  against  the 
dispensation  of  God.  The  Creator  gave  man  the  right  of 
private  property  with  human  nature.  And  the  dispensation 
and  development  in  human  society  willed  by  God,  requires  the 
possession  and  dominion  of  private  property  in  the  same  way. 
The  Seventh  Commandment  expressly  says :  "  Thou  shalt  not 
steal."  In  the  Tenth  Commandment  inordinate  desire  is  for- 
bidden: "Thou  shalt  not  covet  thy  neighbor's  house,  nor  his 
field,  nor  his  man-servant,  nor  his  maid-servant,  nor  his  ox,  nor 
his  ass,  nor  anything  that  is  his."  'No  man  is  entitled  on  prin- 
ciple to  deny  his  fellow-man  the  right  to  private  property  or 
to  rob  him  of  it.  That  is  the  teaching  of  Christ,  our  God 
and  Saviour ;  it  is  the  teaching  of  the  Apostles ;  it  has  been  the 
teaching  of  the  Catholic  Church  from  the  days  of  the  Fathers 
in  the  beginning  to  the  time  of  Leo  XIII  and  his  famous  En- 
cyclical on  the  social  question.  And  never,  you  may  be  sure, 
will  the  Church  allow  the  difference  between  mine  and  thine 
to  be  confused  or  effaced.  Undoubtedly  the  possessor,  by  reason 
of  his  possession,  has  social  duties,  serious  and  great  duties, 
duties  both  towards  the  non-possessors  and  also  towards  the 
community.  The  idea  of  social  responsibility,  as  the  Church 
proclaimed  it,  took  root  generally  at  first  in  humanity.  Who- 
ever wishes  to  bear  testimony  to  the  truth  must  admit  that  the 
Church  has  always  been  the  most  zealous  advocate  of  all  just 
social  demands,  particularly  of  the  working  classes.  And  never 
has  the  Church  disputed,  that,  the  law  of  justice  being  observed, 
the  State  may  interfere  with  private  property  for  the  promo- 
tion of  the  public  welfare.  Yet  in  this  connection  it  must  bo 
insisted  that  it  is  unjust  and  unlawful  to  wish  to  do  away  with 
private  property  in  all  the  so-called  means  of  production.  Such 
a  proposal  is  irreconcilably  opposed  to  Christian  teaching  and 
•the  Christian  law. 

Beloved  brethren,  do  not  allow  yourselves  to  be  misled  by 
the   shibboleth:     The    Social   Democrats    treat   religion    as    a 


THE  GERMAN  BISHOPS  ON  SOCIALISM     255 

private  affair.  That  is  only  an  effort  to  create  a  disposition 
favorable  to  Socialism  in  the  circles  of  those  whom  the  true 
view  of  Socialism,  and  its  embittered  enmity  towards  religion, 
would  frighten  off  to  too  large  an  extent.  That  shibboleth  is 
merely  a  mask,  a  disguise.  Innumerable  testimonies  in  the 
writings  and  the  life  of  the  Socialists,  innumerable  expressions 
of  a  raging  hatred  of  God  and  foul  mockery  of  religion,  declare 
often  and  loudly  that  Socialism  is  an  irreconcilable  opponent 
of  Christianity  and  the  Church.  And  do  not  doubt  this :  Be- 
tween the  different  groups  in  Socialism  —  the  Independents 
and  the  Majority  Socialists  —  there  is  in  this  respect  no  differ- 
ence. It  does  not  matter  at  all  that  many  who  profess  adher- 
ence to  Social  Democracy  allege  that  they  consider  themselves 
good  Catholics.  Whoever  promotes  Socialism  works  against 
religion.  Whoever  supports  Socialism,  immediately  or  medi- 
ately, by  his  own  action  or  through  negligence  or  sloth,  sins 
against  Christ  and  His  Church.  Whoever  holds  to  Christ  and 
His  Church  cannot  hold  with  Socialism.  Either  one  —  or  the 
other.  It  is  as  that  Socialist  leader  said,  "  Christianity  and 
Socialism  are  to  one  another  as  fire  and  water." 

Beloved  brethren,  you  know  your  duty,  and  we  finnly  trust 
in  your  Catholic  fidelity.  Let  each  of  you  repeat  in  these  de- 
cisive days  his  holy  baptismal  vows: 

"  Firm  my  baptismal  vows  shall  bind 
To  the  truth  the  Church  is  preaching. 

In  me  a  son  she'll  always  find 
Obedient  to  her  teaching. 

Thanks  to  God  who  by  His  grace 

Within  the  fold  has  given  me  place, 
A  fold  I  ne'er  shall  stray  from." 

>^  Eelix  Cardinal  yon  Haktmann,  Archbishop  of  Cologne. 

►P  M.  Felix^  Bishop  of  Treves. 

Hh  Chakles  Joseph^  Bishop  of  Paderborn. 

»^  John,  Bishop  of  Muenster. 

*i*  William,  Bishop  of  Osnabrueck. 

*i*  Joseph,  Bishop  of  Hildesheim. 


Y.     PAPERS  BY  THE  EDITORS 

1.  A  Living  Wage,  by  Rev.  John  A.  Ryan,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

2.  The  Reconcieiation   of   Capitax,  and  Labor,   by  Rev. 

John  A.  Ryan,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

3.  A  Catholic  Social.  Platpoem,  by  Rev.  Joseph  Huss- 

lein,  S.J.,  Ph.D. 


257 


1.    A  LIVIIS^G  WAGE  i 
By  Rev.  John  A.  Ryan,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

"  A  Living  Wage  "  forms  the  title  of  a  chapter  in  Professor 
William  Smart's  Studies  in  Economics.  This  chapter  was 
written  in  Scotland,  jSTovember,  1893.  In  its  opening  sen- 
tences we  are  told :  ''  The  last  few  weeks  have  seen  the  birth 
of  a  new  and  attractive  catchword.  Before  it  has  even  been 
defined,  it  is  already  put  forward  as  arguing  a  claim.  .  .  . 
The  expression  '  living  wage '  seems  to  give  a  reason  and  a 
basis  for  a  certain  amount  of  wages.  It  has,  accordingly, 
found  its  way  into  everyday  language,  and  we  may  expect  soon 
to  find  that  the  conception  which  it  expresses  has  taken  its 
place  among  the  convictions  of  many." 

In  all  probability,  these  sentences  describe  the  origin  of  the 
phrase,  "  living  wage."  But  the  idea  that  it  expresses  goes 
back  much  farther  than  the  summer  of  1893.  Because  the 
idea  is  so  much  older  than  the  expression,  it  has  "  taken  its 
place  among  the  convictions  of  many  "  to  a  far  greater  extent 
and  with  much  more  rapidity  than  Professor  Smart  expected 
when  he  wrote  the  words  just  quoted.  Because  the  expression 
neatly  and  concretely  sets  forth  the  idea,  it  likewise  has  ob- 
tained a  currency  that  the  professor  never  anticipated.  Both 
the  idea  and  the  expression  owe  their  vogue  and  their  popular- 
ity to  the  fact  that  they  represent  a  fundamental  principle  of 
justice. 

Although  the  idea  of  a  living  wage  goes  back  at  least  to  the 
early  Middle  Ages,  it  received  its  first  systematic  and  authorita- 
tive expression  in  the  Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII,  "  On  the 
Condition  of  Labor."  This  was  published  in  May,  1891,  some- 
thing more  than  a  year  before  the  "  catchword  "  was  first  heard 
in  Great  Britain.     In  that  document  the  great  pontiff  flatly 

1  From  The  Church  and  Socialism  and  Other  Essays.  The  University 
Press,  WaBhington,  D.  C. 

259 


260  CHURCH  AND  LABOE 

rejected  the  prevailing  doctrine  that  wages  fixed  by  free  con- 
sent were  always  fair  and  just.  This  theory,  he  said,  leaves 
out  of  account  certain  important  considerations.  It  ignores 
the  fundamental  fact  that  the  laborer  is  morally  bound  to  pre- 
serve his  life,  and  that  his  only  means  of  fulfilling  this  duty 
is  to  be  found  in  his  wages.  Therefore,  concluded  Pope  Leo, 
"  a  workman's  wages  ought  to  be  sufficient  to  maintain  him 
in  reasonable  and  frugal  comfort."  This  proposition,  he  de- 
clared, is  a  "  dictate  of  natural  justice." 

What  is  "  reasonable  comfort  "  ?     Evidently,  it  is  something 
more  than  the  conditions  and  essentials  of  mere  existence.     To 
have  merely  the  means  of  continuing  to  live  and  to  work  is  not 
to  be  in  comfort.     What  degree  of  comfort  is  reasonable  ?     To 
this  question  we  could  get  a  hundred  different  answers  from  as 
many  different  persons.     Each  of  the  one  hundred  might  con- 
ceive reasonable  comfort  as  that  to  which  he  had  become  ac- 
customed,  or  that  to  which  he  aspired  because  it  seemed  to 
bring  happiness  to  others.     The  reasonable  comfort  that  the 
Pope  had  in  mind  is  merely  the  reasonable  minimum.     It  is 
that  smallest  amount  which  will  satisfy  right  reason.     One  way 
of  finding  out  how  much  is  required  by  this  standard  is  to  con- 
sult the  judgment  of  competent  and  fair-minded  men.     Another 
and  more  fundamental  method  is  to  interpret  reasonable  com- 
fort in  the  light  of  man's  nature  and  essential  needs.     These 
are  the  ends  to  which  any  degree  of  welfare  is  but  a  means. 
Man's  nature  and  needs,  therefore,  should  indicate  the  amount 
of  goods  that  constitute  the  minimum  measure  of  reasonable 
comfort. 

Like  every  other  human  being,  the  wage-earner  is  a  person, 
not  a  thing,  nor  a  mere  animal.  Because  he  is  a  person,  he 
has  certain  needs  that  are  not  felt  by  animals,  and  his  needs 
and  his  welfare  have  a  certain  sacredness  that  does  not  belong 
to  any  other  species  of  creatures.  A  dog  or  a  horse  may  be 
used  as  mere  instruments  to  the  welfare  of  man.  They  may 
rightfully  be  killed  when  man  no  longer  wants  them.  Not  so 
with  the  human  person.  He  has  intrinsic  worth  and  dignity. 
He  is  made  in  the  image  and  likeness  of  God.  He  is  an  end 
in  himself.  He  was  not  created  for  the  pleasure,  or  utility, 
or  aggrandizement  of  any  other  human  being  or  group  of  human 


A  LIVING  WAGE  261 

beings.  His  wortli  and  his  place  in  the  iiniverse  are  to  be 
measured  with  reference  to  himself,  not  with  reference  to  other 
men,  or  to  institutions,  or  to  states.  He  is  worth  while  for  his 
own  sake. 

When,  then,  are  the  needs  to  which  are  attached  this  preroga- 
tive of  intrinsic  worth  and  sacredness  ?  How  much  of  the  good 
things  of  life  must  a  man  have  in  order  that  he  may  live  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  a  person?  In  general,  he  must  have  suffi- 
cient goods  and  opportunities  for  the  exercise  of  all  his  faculties 
and  the  development  of  his  personality.  On  the  physical  side, 
this  means  food,  clothing  and  housing  adequate  to  maintain  him 
in  health  and  working  efficiency.  If  he  is  underfed,  or  insuffi- 
ciently clothed,  or  improperly  housed,  he  is  treated  with  even  less 
consideration  than  wise  and  humane  men  extend  to  their  beasts 
of  burden.  Since  the  worker  is  not  merely  an  animal  and  an 
instrument  of  production,  but  an  intellectual  and  moral  person, 
he  requires  the  means  of  exercising  and  developing  the  faculties 
of  his  soul.  Therefore  he  needs  some  education,  some  facilities 
for  reading  and  study,  the  means  of  practicing  religion,  an  en- 
vironment that  will  not  make  unreasonably  difficult  the  leading 
of  a  moral  life,  and  sufficient  opportunities  of  social  intercourse 
and  recreation  to  maintain  him  in  efficiency  and  to  give  him  that 
degree  of  contentment  that  is  essential  to  a  healthy  outlook  on 
life.  As  regards  the  future,  the  worker  requires  a  certain 
minimum  amount  of  security  against  sickness,  accident,  and  old 
age.  Finally,  all  these  goods  should  be  available  to  the  worker, 
not  as  a  single  man,  but  as  the  head  of  a  family;  for  marriage 
is  among  the  essential  needs  of  the  great  majority. 

All  the  foregoing  goods  and  opportunities  are  included  in  the 
concept  of  reasonable  comfort.  Within  the  last  few  years,  many 
groups  of  persons  have  attempted  to  translate  these  requisites 
into  more  concrete  symbols.  They  have  tried  to  describe  rea- 
sonable comfort  or  a  decent  livelihood  in  terms  of  food,  hous- 
ing, insurance,  etc.  Their  statements  and  estimates  have  shown 
a  remarkable  measure  of  agreement.  This  substantial  uni- 
formity proves  that  "  reasonable  comfort,"  is  not  only  a  prac- 
tical and  tangible  conception,  but  one  that  springs  from  the 
deepest  intuitions  of  reason  and  morality. 

We  pass  over  their  specific  statements  concerning  the  amount 


262  CHURCH  A^D  LABOR 

and  kinds  of  food  required,  as  these  are  too  technical  for  our 
present  purpose.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  these  specifications 
cover  an  allowance  of  food  adequate  to  the  preservation  of 
health  and  working  efficiency.  As  regards  clothing,  the  esti- 
mates include  not  merely  what  is  needed  for  health  and  effi- 
ciency, but  those  additional  articles  and  changes  of  raiment 
which  are  essential  in  order  that  the  worker  and  his  family 
may,  without  loss  of  self-respect,  attend  church,  school,  and  par- 
ticipate in  public  gatherings,  and  various  forms  of  social  in- 
tercourse. The  provision  of  apparel  for  these  latter  pur- 
poses may  not  be  directly  necessary  on  the  ground  of  health, 
but  it  meets  one  of  the  fundamental  needs  of  a  human  being. 
It  is  among  the  requirements  of  the  mind  and  the  emotions.  To 
deny  it  to  a  man  is  to  treat  him  as  somewhat  less  than  a  man. 

In  the  matter  of  housing,  the  authorities  agree  that  the  wage- 
earner  and  his  family  require  at  least  four  or  five  rooms,  with 
adequate  sunlight,  ventilation,  and  all  the  elementary  requisites 
of  sanitation,  and  in  moral  and  healthful  surroundings. 

The  majority  of  social  students  believe  that  the  workingman's 
wife  should  not  be  compelled  to  become  a  wage-earner,  and  that 
his  children  should  not  regularly  engage  in  gainful  occupations 
before  the  age  of  sixteen.  If  these  conditions  are  not  realized, 
the  family  is  not  living  in  reasonable  comfort,  and  its  younger 
members  are  deprived  of  reasonable  opportunities  of  education 
and  development. 

All  the  members  of  the  family  should  have  some  provision 
for  recreation,  such  as  an  occasional  trip  to  the  country  and 
visits  to  moving  pictures  or  concerts,  some  access  to  books  and 
periodical  literature,  in  addition  to  schooling  for  the  children 
up  to  the  age  of  sixteen ;  and  of  course  the  means  of  belonging 
to  a  church. 

The  worker  should  have  sufficient  insurance  against  unem- 
ployment, accidents,  sickness  and  old  age  to  provide  himself 
and  those  normally  dependent  upon  him  with  all  the  above 
mentioned  goods  during  those  periods  when  he  is  unable  to 
make  such  provision  by  his  labor  and  wages. 

Such  are  the  requisites  of  reasonable  comfort  as  determined 
by  man's  nature  and  needs,  and  as  interpreted  by  all  compe- 
tent authorities  on  the  subject.     That  the  wage-earner,  as  all 


A  LIVING  WAGE  263 

other  persons,  ought  to  have  this  much  of  the  good  things  of 
life  will  not  be  denied  by  anyone  who  appreciates  the  dignity 
and  intrinsic  worth  of  personality.  The  man  who  would  assert 
that  the  worker  and  his  family  may  reasonably  be  deprived  of 
these  things  must  logically  contend  that  the  worker  may  be 
killed  or  deprived  of  his  liberty  for  the  benefit  of  others.  For 
the  rights  of  life,  liberty,  marriage  and  all  the  other  funda- 
mental goods  rest  on  precisely  the  same  basis  as  the  claim  to 
reasonable  comfort.  That  basis  is  the  inherent  sacredness  of 
personality.  This  sacredness  is  outraged,  not  only  when  the 
person  is  killed,  crippled,  or  imprisoned,  but  also  when  he  is 
prevented  from  exercising  and  developing  his  faculties  to  a  rea- 
sonable degree. 

Pope  Leo  XIII  declared  that  the  workman's  claim  to  a  wage 
that  provides  reasonable  comfort  is  a  "  dictate  of  natural  jus- 
tice." That  is  to  say,  a  living  wage  and  reasonable  comfort 
are  not  merely  desirable  advantages,  goods  which  we  should  all 
like  to  see  possessed  by  the  working  man  and  his  family,  things 
necessary  for  reasonable  life,  but  they  are  required  by  the  prin- 
ciples of  justice;  they  belong  to  him  as  a  right.  To  a  large 
proportion  of  employers,  and  to  many  other  persons,  this  is 
still  "  a  hard  saving."     How  can  it  be  justified  ? 

Pope  Leo  could  not  present  an  extended  justification  in  a 
document  that  dealt  with  the  whole  field  of  industrial  rela- 
tions. Hence  he  contented  himself  with  laying  down  the  gen- 
eral principle  that  a  living  wage  and  a  condition  of  reasonable 
comfort  are  required  in  order  that  the  wage  earner  may  fulfill 
his  duties  of  life  and  self-development.  Obligations  cannot 
be  discharged  without  the  necessary  means;  for  the  laborer, 
wages  are  the  only  means. 

The  latest  ethical  defence  of  the  right  to  a  living  wage  is 
that  presented  by  the  Eev.  Dr.  Cronin,  in  the  second  volume 
of  his  Science  of  Ethics.  It  is,  in  brief,  that  a  wage  which  is  not 
sufficient  to  provide  reasonable  comfort  is  not  the  just  equivalent 
of  the  wage-earner's  labor.  Why?  Because  the  worker's 
energy  or  labor  is  the  one  means  that  God  has  given  him  to  pro- 
vide the  essentials  of  reasonable  life  and  comfort.  When  the 
employer  appropriates  to  his  o-^ti  uses  this  energy,  he  is  bound 
in  strict  justice  to  give  in  exchange  for  it  that  amount  of  wel- 


264'  CHURCH  AKD  LAEOR 

fare  whicli  the  laborer's  energy  is  the  divinelv  given  means  of 
obtaining.  Other  writers  give  other  arguments  and  justifica- 
tions. Among  the  Catholic  authorities  the  differences  in  this 
matter  are  differences  of  view-point  rather  than  of  principle. 
The  following  argument  seems  to  be  more  fundamental  and 
thorough  than  some  of  the  others. 

When  we  consider  man's  position  in  relation  to  the  bounty 
of  nature,  we  are  led  to  accept  three  fundamental  principles. 
The  first  may  be  thus  stated :  Since  the  earth  was  intended  by 
God  for  the  support  of  all  persons,  all  have  essentially  equal 
claims  upon  it,  and  essentially  equal  rights  of  access  to  its 
benefits.  On  the  one  hand,  God  has  not  declared  that  any  of 
His  children  have  superior  or  exceptional  claims  to  the  earth. 
On  the  other  hand,  all  persons  are  made  in  the  image  and  like- 
ness of  God,  composed  of  the  same  kind  of  body  and  soul, 
affected  by  the  same  needs,  and  destined  for  the  same  end. 
Therefore  they  are  all  equally  important  in  His  sight.  They 
are  all  equally  persons,  endowed  with  intrinsic  worth  and  dig- 
nity, ends  in  themselves,  not  instiTiments  to  the  welfare  of  others. 
Hence  they  stand  upon  an  essentially  equal  footing  with  regard 
to  the  animal,  plant,  and  mineral  bounty  of  the  earth.  This 
bounty  is  a  common  gift,  possession,  heritage.  The  moral 
claims  upon  it  held  by  these  equal  human  persons  are  essentially 
equal.  Xo  man  can  vindicate  for  himself  a  superior  claim  on 
the  basis  of  anything  that  he  finds  in  himself,  in  nature  or  in  the 
designs  of  nature's  God. 

Nevertheless,  this  equal  right  of  access  to  the  earth  is  not 
absolute.  It  is  conditioned  upon  labor,  upon  the  expenditure 
of  useful  and  fruitful  energy.  As  a  rule,  the  good  things  of 
the  earth  are  obtained  in  adequate  form  and  quantity  only  at 
the  cost  of  considerable  exertion.  And  this  exertion  is  for  the 
most  part  irksome,  of  such  a  nature  that  men  will  not  perform 
it  except  under  the  compulsion  of  some  less  agreeable  alterna- 
tive. The  labor  to  which  the  earth  yields  up  her  treasures  is 
not  put  forth  spontaneously  and  automatically.  Therefore,  the 
equal  and  inherent  right  of  men  to  possess  the  earth  and  utilize 
its  benefits  becomes  actually  valid  only  when  they  are  willing 
to  expend  productive  energy  and  labor.  This  is  the  second 
fundamental  principle. 


A  LIVING  WAGE  265 

O'bviously  we  are  speaking  here  of  the  original  rights  of 
men  to  the  earth,  not  of  those  rights  which  they  have  acquired 
through  the  possession  of  private  property.  The  rights  in  ques- 
tion are  those  which  inhere  in  all  men,  whether  or  not  they 
are  private  owners. 

From  the  two  principles  of  equal  right  of  access  to  the  earth, 
and  universal  obligation  to  perform  a  reasonable  amount  of 
useful  labor,  follows  a  third  fundamental  principle.  It  is  that 
men  who  at  any  time  or  in  any  way  control  the  resources  of  the 
earth  are  morally  bound  to  permit  others  to  have  access  thereto 
on  reasonable  terms.  Men  who  are  willing  to  work  must  be 
enabled  to  make  real  and  actual  their  original  and  equal  right 
of  access  to  the  common  bounty  of  nature.  For  the  right  to 
subsist  from  the  earth  implies  the  right  actually  to  participate 
in  its  benefits  on  reasonable  conditions  and  through  reasonable 
arrangements.  Otherwise  the  former  right  is  a  delusion.  To 
refuse  any  man  reasonable  facilities  to  exercise  his  basic  right 
of  living  from  the  common  bounty  by  his  labor  is  to  treat  this 
right  as  non-existent.  Such  conduct  by  the  men  who  are  in 
possession  implies  a  belief  that  their  rights  to  the  gifts  of  God 
are  inherently  superior  to  the  right  of  the  person  whom  they 
exclude.  This  position  is  utterly  untenable.  It  is  on  exactly 
the  same  basis  as  would  be  the  claim  of  a  strong  man  to  de- 
prive a  weak  one  of  liberty.  The  right  to  freedom  of  move- 
ment is  not  more  certain  nor  more  indestructible  than  the  right 
of  access  on  reasonable  terms  to  the  bounty  of  the  earth. 
Were  a  community  to  imprison  an  innocent  man  it  would  not 
violate  his  rights  more  vitally  than  does  the  proprietor  or  the 
corporation  that  deprives  him  of  reasonable  access  to  the  re- 
sources of  nature.  In  both  cases  the  good  that  he  seeks  is  a 
common  gift  of  God. 

This,  then,  is  the  moral  basis  underlying  the  laborer's  right 
to  a  living  wage.  Like  all  other  men,  he  has  an  indestructible 
right  of  access  to  the  goods  of  the  earth  on  reasonable  terms. 
Obviously,  the  conditional  clause,  "  on  reasonable  terms,"  is  of 
very  great  importance.  Neither  the  laborer  nor  anyone  else 
has  a  right  of  direct  and  unconditional  access  to  those  portions 
of  the  earth  that  have  rightly  become  the  property  of  others. 
Such  a  claim  would  be  the  height  of  unreason.     The  laborer's 


266  CHURCH  AM)  LABOR 

right  to  participate  in  the  common  heritage  must  be  actualized 
in  such  a  way  as  not  to  interfere  with  the  equally  valid  rights  of 
others.  The  laborer's  right  must  be  satisfied  with  due  re- 
gard to  existing  acquired  rights  and  the  etxisting  form  of  in- 
dustrial organization. 

From  this  principle  to  the  principle  that  the  laborer  has  a 
right  to  a  living  wage,  tlie  transition  is  logical  and  certain. 
Pope  Leo  XIII  declared  that  the  laborer's  right  to  a  living 
wage  arises  from  the  fact  that  his  wage  is  his  only  means  of 
livelihood.  Owing  to  the  manner  in  which  the  goods  of  the 
earth  have  been  divided  and  appropriated  in  the  present  or- 
ganization of  industrial  society,  the  wage-earner  has  no  way 
of  exercising  his  original  and  equal  right  of  access  to  the  earth 
except  through  the  sale  of  his  labor  in  return  for  wages.  An 
occasional  worker  might  get  a  livelihood  by  cultivating  a  piece 
of  land,  but  the  cost  is  so  great  that  only  those  can  defray  it 
who  are  already  receiving  more  than  living  wages.  If  such  an 
opportunity  and  alternative  were  general,  the  living  wage  would 
not  be  a  practical  question.  Men  would  not  hire  themselves  out 
for  less  than  that  amount  when  they  could  obtain  a  decent  live- 
lihood by  employing  themselves  on  a  piece  of  land.  To  assure 
a  laborer  that  if  he  does  not  like  to  work  for  less  than  living 
wages,  he  can  fall  back  upon  his  right  of  access  to  the  earth 
by  taking  up  a  piece  of  land,  is  but  to  mock  him.  Such  ac- 
cess as  he  has  is  evidently  not  access  on  reasonable  terms. 

For  the  wage-earner  of  to-day,  therefore,  access  to  the  re- 
sources of  nature  can  be  had  only  through  wages.  The  men 
who  have  appropriated  the  goods  and  opportunities  of  the 
earth  have  shut  him  out  from  any  other  way  of  entering  upon 
his  natural  heritage.  Therefore  they  are  morally  bound  to 
use  and  administer  these  goods  in  such  a  way  that  his  right  shall 
not  be  violated  and  his  access  to  the  resources  of  nature  not 
rendered  unreasonably  difficult.  This  means  that  the  indus- 
trial community  in  which  he  lives,  and  for  which  he  labors, 
shall  provide  him  with  the  requisites  of  a  decent  livelihood  in 
the  form  of  living  wages.  On  the  one  hand,  the  worker  has 
performed  a  reasonable  amount  of  labor;  on  the  other  hand, 
the  industrial  community  is  the  beneficiary  of  his  services. 
In  the  product  which  he  has  created  the  community  has  the 


A  LIVING  WAGE  267 

wherewith  to  pay  him  living  wages.  To  refuse  him  this  amount 
of  remuneration  is  surely  to  deprive  him  of  access  to  the  earth 
and  to  a  livelihood  on  reasonable  terms. 

It  is  assumed  here  that  the  laborer's  product  is  sufficiently 
large  to  provide  this  much  remuneration,  and  that  the  employer 
would  rather  pay  it  than  go  without  the  laborer's  services.  The 
case  in  which  the  product  falls  short  of  this  sufficiency  will  bo 
considered  presently.  If  the  employer  does  not  think  the 
laborer  worth  a  living  wage,  he  has  a  right  to  discharge  him. 
Otherwise  the  employer  would  be  treated  unreasonably.  But 
when  the  employer  regards  the  employe  as  worth  a  living  wage, 
but  refuses  to  pay  it  merely  because  the  laborer  is  economically 
constrained  to  work  for  less,  he  is  surely  treating  the  latter 
unreasonably.  He  is  depriving  the  laborer  of  access  to  the 
goods  of  the  earth  on  reasonable  terms.  In  the  striking  words 
of  Pope  Leo  XIII,  he  is  making  the  laborer  "  the  victim  of 
force  and  injustice." 

The  reader  will  have  noticed  that  in  the  last  paragraph  the 
word  "  employer  "  is  substituted  for  the  word  "  community," 
which  was  used  in  the  paragraph  preceding.  If  the  community 
in  its  corporate  civil  form  —  that  is,  the  State  —  were  the  di- 
rect beneficiary  of  the  laborer's  services,  if  it  came  into  direct 
possession  of  the  laborer's  product,  it  would  obviously  be 
charged  with  the  duty  of  paying  him  a  living  wage.  In  our 
present  industrial  organization,  however,  the  state  permits  the 
employer  to  obtain  the  product  and  imposes  upon  him  the 
duty  of  wage  paying.  Therefore  he  is  the  person  who  is 
obliged  to  perform  this  duty  adequately,  that  is,  in  the  form  of 
living  wages.  If  he  fails  to  do  so,  he  abuses  his  social  and 
industrial  functions;  he  uses  his  control  over  the  goods  of  the 
earth  in  such  a  way  as  to  deprive  the  laborer  of  access  thereto  on 
reasonable  terms. 

What  if  the  employer  cannot  pay  living  wages  ?  Space  limi- 
tations will  not  permit  us  to  discuss  the  very  interesting  ethical 
question  whether  such  an  employer  is  morally  obliged  to  go 
out  of  business.  The  employer  has  a  right  to  take  from  the 
product  the  equivalent  of  a  decent  livelihood  for  himself  and 
his  family,  even  though  the  remainder  will  not  provide  full 
living  wages  for  all  his  employes.     For  his  claim  to  a  decent  live- 


268  CHUECH  AJsD  LABOK 

libood  is  as  good  as  theirs,  and  in  a  conflict  of  equal  claims  a 
man  is  justified  in  preferring  himself  to  his  neighbors.  When, 
however,  the  employer  has  already  obtained  a  decent  livelibood, 
he  has  no  right  to  take  from  the  product  one  cent  more  until 
he  has  given  all  his  employes  the  full  measure  of  living  wages. 
In  the  first  place,  the  right  to  take  interest  in  any  circumstances 
on  invested  capital  is  only  presumptive  and  probable,  not  cer- 
tain. In  the  second  place,  the  right  of  the  laborers  to  get  from 
the  joint  product  the  means  of  satisfying  their  essential  and 
fundamenal  needs  is  morally  superior  to  the  right  of  the  em- 
ployer to  the  means  of  indulging  in  luxurious  living  or  of  mak- 
ing new  investments.  To  deny  this  proposition  is  to  assert 
that  the  claims  of  the  laborers  upon  the  common  bounty  of 
nature  are  morally  inferior  to  tliose  of  the  employer,  and  that 
they  are  but  instruments  to  his  welfare,  not  morally  equal 
and  independent  persons. 

One  can  easily  imagine  some  employer  exclaiming  that  a  right 
of  access  to  the  resources  of  nature  does  not  mean  the  right  to 
take  as  much  as  the  equivalent  of  a  living  wage.  The  objection 
ignores  the  truth  that  the  access  should  be  "  on  reasonable  terms." 
Surely  this  phrase  implies  that  the  access  and  the  wage  should 
provide  at  least  a  decent  livelihood.  The  employer  who  thinks 
that  he  may  rightfully  pay  the  lowest  wage  that  the  laborer  can 
be  forced  to  accept  forgets  that  he  himself  is  only  a  steward 
of  the  gifts  of  God.  What  he  calls  his  product  is  his,  not  to 
use  as  he  pleases,  but  to  administer  with  due  regard  to  the 
natural  rights  of  his  employes. 

We  have  made  no  formal  defense  of  the  proposition  that  the 
just  living  wage  for  an  adult  male  is  one  that  will  support 
decently  his  wife  and  children  as  well  as  himself.  We  have  as- 
sumed that  anyone  who  recognizes  the  claim  of  the  laborer  to 
develop  his  personality  to  a  reasonable  degree  will  take  for 
granted  that  those  advantages  are  possible  only  when  the  father's 
wage  is  adequate  to  decent  family  maintenance. 

Up  to  the  present  we  have  given  no  more  specific  definition  of 
a  living  wage  than  it  is  the  equivalent  of  a  decent  livelihood, 
'^.r  a  sum  sufficient  to  maintain  the  worker  and  his  family  in  con- 
ditions of  reasonable  comfort.  The  attempt  to  define  it  in  terms 
of  money  is  beset  with  many  difficulties.     Some  housekeepers 


A  LIVING  WAGE  269 

are  miicli  better  managers  than  others  in  making  purchases  and 
in  utilizing  them;  the  number  and  quantity  of  concrete  goods 
that  suffice  for  decent  living  conditions,  for  example,  in  the 
matters  of  recreation  and  non-material  things,  do  not  easily  sub- 
mit to  exact  measurement;  the  variation  in  the  cost  of  com- 
modities from  city  to  city  and  from  section  to  section  renders 
any  single  estimate  inadequate;  and,  finally,  the  recent  extra- 
ordinary rise  in  prices,  culminating  in  the  present  abnormal 
cost  of  living,  has  made  almost  all  previous  estimates  antiquated. 

Nevertheless,  the  difficulties  are  not  insurmountable.  They 
can  be  overcome  sufficiently  to  yield  approximate  estimates  that 
will  be  of  great  practical  value.  That  is  all  that  we  require 
in  a  matter  of  this  kind.  We  are  dealing  with  the  realm  of 
moral  approximations,  not  with  the  province  of  exact  science. 
While  the  cost  of  living  of  a  workingman's  family  varies  in- 
definitely on  account  of  the  varying  proficiency  of  the  house- 
wife, we  have  to  consider  only  the  average  level  of  domestic 
economy  and  efficiency.  This  average  is  ascertainable  quite  as 
definitely  as  a  hundred  other  important  social  facts.  The  goods 
that  are  required  to  provide  a  minimum  decent  level  of  exist- 
ence can  be  estimated  with  sufficient  accuracy  to  safeguard  the 
welfare  of  the  laborer  and  his  family.  The  variation  of  prices 
over  space  and  time  can  be  dealt  with  by  making  the  estimates 
of  a  living  wage  apply  only  to  specific  places  and  specific  dates. 

Within  recent  years  we  have  been  provided  with  many  such 
estimates.  For  example,  the  New  York  Bureau  of  Standards 
concluded  in  1915  that  the  minimum  cost  of  living  for  a  family 
of  five  was  a  little  less  than  $850  annually.  In  the  same  year 
a  commission  of  members  of  the  legislature  gave  an  estimate 
of  about  $875  for  the  same  city  and  about  $100  less  for  Buffalo. 
In  the  summer  of  1918  the  experts  of  the  National  War  Labor 
Board  found  that  the  lowest  annual  amount  upon  which  a  man 
and  wife  and  three  children  could  be  maintained  decently  was 
$1,386. 

Four  methods  are  conceivable  by  which  a  living  wage  might 
become  universal.  The  first  is  the  automatic  operation  of  eco- 
nomic forces.  Some  twenty  or  twenty-five  years  ago  this  theory 
enjoyed  considerable  favor  among  economists.  It  took  substan- 
tially this  form :  Capital  is  increasing  much  faster  than  labor ; 


270  CHUECH  AXD  LABOR 

therefore,  its  demand  for  labor  is  increasing  relatively  to  the 
supply;  therefore,  the  remuneration  of  labor  will  necessarily 
increase.  The  fatal  flaw  in  this  argument  is  its  neglect  of  the 
fact  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  new  capital  takes  the  place 
of  labor,  thereby  reducing  instead  of  enhancing  the  demand 
for  laborers.  Machines  are  constantly  made  to  do  the  work  of 
men,  and  so  far  as  we  can  see,  the  process  will  go  on  indefinitely. 
The  remuneration  of  underpaid  labor  measured  by  its  purchas- 
ing capacity  has  decreased  rather  than  increased  during  the  last 
quarter  of  a  century.  Xo  economic  forces  are  discernible  that 
are  likely  to  cause  a  contrary  movement  within  the  next  twenty- 
five  years. 

The  second  agency  that  might  theoretically  be  expected  to 
raise  the  wages  of  the  underpaid  is  the  benevolence  of  employers. 
Only  visionaries  put  any  faith  in  this  method.  In  so  far  as 
experience  is  a  guide,  it  warns  us  that  only  an  insignificant 
minority  of  employers  will  ever  voluntarily  increase  the  re- 
muneration of  employes  who  are  getting  less  than  living  wages. 
Were  the  niunber  of  those  disposed  to  do  so  multiplied  in- 
definitely, they  would  not  be  able  to  carry  out  their  lofty  de- 
sign. Owing  to  the  force  and  keenness  of  competition,  tlie  great 
majority  of  employers  must  conform  to  the  wage  standards  fixed 
bv  their  most  selfish  competitors.  A  benevolent  majority 
might,  indeed,  raise  wage  rates  to  the  level  of  decency  by  com- 
bining for  that  purpose.  Our  readers  would  not  thank  us  for 
inviting  them  to  consider  seriously  such  a  fantastic  hypothesis. 

The  third  conceivable  method  is  that  of  organization  by  the 
laborers  themselves.  While  labor  unions  have  done  much,  very 
much,  to  increase  wages  within  the  last  forty  years,  their  in^ 
fluence  in  this  field  has  been  mainly  restricted  to  the  skilled 
trades.  The  proportion  of  unskilled  and  underpaid  labor  en- 
rolled in  the  unions  has  always  been  very  small,  and  it  shows 
very  little  tendency  to  increase.  Effective  organization  re- 
quires time,  patience  and  considerable  financial  resources,  the 
very  things  which  underpaid  labor  lacks.  IS'ot  within  a  genera- 
tion w^ould  organization  be  able  to  obtain  living  wages  for  more 
than  a  minority  of  those  who  are  below  that  level. 

The  one  device  that  gives  promise  of  making  the  living  wage 


A  LIVING  WAGE  271 

universal  is  a  minimum  fixed  by  law.  This  means  that  the  pub- 
lic authorities,  state  or  federal,  or  both,  should  enact  legislation 
forbidding  any  employer  to  pay  less  than  the  equivalent  of  a 
decent  livelihood. 


2.     THE  RECONCILIATION  OF  CAPITAL  AND 
LABOR  1 

By  Rev.  John  A.  Ryan,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

"  The  great  mistake  made  in  the  matter  now  under  considera- 
tion, is  to  take  up  with  the  notion  that  class  is  naturally  hos- 
tile to  class,  and  that  the  wealthy  and  the  workiugmen  are  in- 
tended by  nature  to  live  in  mutual  conflict.  So  irrational  and 
so  false  is  this  view  that  the  direct  contrary  is  the  truth.  .  .  . 
Each  needs  the  other.  Capital  cannot  do  without  labor,  nor 
labor  without  capital." 

These  words  occur  in  the  encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII,  "  On 
the  Condition  of  Labor."  They  are  not  only  true  in  general, 
but  they  have  a  specific  bearing  upon  the  strained  relations  now 
existing  between  large  sections  of  the  employing  class  and  large 
sections  of  the  class  of  wage-earners.  They  can  be  logically 
denied  only  by  the  Socialist.  In  the  mind  of  the  man  who  be- 
lieves that  the  wage  system  is  essentially  unjust,  or  at  least 
doomed  to  inevitable  destruction  through  irrepressible  class 
warfare,  there  is  evidently  no  room  for  the  doctrine  that  capital 
and  labor  have  common  interests.  With  this  theory  we  do  not 
mean  to  deal  in  these  pages,  except  to  write  do\vn  our  con- 
viction that  it  is  wrong  morally  and  unsound  economically. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  view  that  the  community  of  interest 
doctrine  has  no  practical  value,  is  a  superficial  and  one-sided 
view.  We  hope  to  show  that  Pope  Leo's  statement  is  not  only 
true  in  the  abstract,  but  capable  of  fruitful  application  to  our 
present  industrial  conditions.  The  formula  of  industrial  har- 
mony can  be  translated  into  effective  rules  for  the  guidance  of 
employer  and  employee. 

1  From  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  Capital  and  Labor :  Methods  of  Coopera- 
tion and  Harmony,"  published  for  the  National  Catholic  Welfare  Council 
by  The  Sunday  Visitor,  Huntington,  Ind.  Permission  to  reprint  these  parts 
of  the  pamphlet  is  gratefully  acknowledged. 

272 


THE  KECONCILIATIOJS"  273 

I.ABOE   PAKTICIPATION    IN    MANAGEMENT 

The  indispensable  first  step  is  to  make  the  worker  more  in- 
terested in  his  work,  in  its  planning,  its  processes  and  its  re- 
sults. His  industrial  position  must  be  so  modified  that  he  will 
find  himself  in  some  degree  a  partner  in  the  enterprise,  rather 
than  a  mere  executor  of  orders,  or  animated  instrmnent  of  pro- 
duction. Inherent  in  everv  normal  person  is  the  desire  to  exer- 
cise some  controlling  power  over  his  material  environment. 
Every  normal  person  possesses  some  directive,  initiating,  crea- 
tive capacity.  Unless  this  capacity  receives  some  opportunity 
for  expression,  the  wage  worker,  like  all  other  persons,  remains 
uninterested  in  his  task,  and  relatively  inefficient.  When  the 
worker  is  enabled  to  exercise  his  directive  and  creative  faculties, 
his  interest  is  aroused  and  his  efficiency  is  increased.  The  man 
who  directs  a  business  always  works  harder  and  more  efficiently 
than  his  employee. 

This  fundamental  and  withal  obvious  fact  of  human  nature  has 
come  to  be  strangely  and  generally  ignored  by  the  masters  of  our 
great  industrial  concerns.  They  act  as  though  the  worker  were 
made  of  different  clay.  "  A  good  deal  is  said  about  the  worker's 
psychology,"  says  Dr.  Meeker,  the  United  States  Commissioner 
of  Labor  Statistics,  "  as  though  the  worker  were  some  strange, 
wild  beast  with  a  peculiar  psychology  all  his  own,  quite  different 
from  the  psychology  of  employers  and  managers.  It  is  because 
the  psychology  of  the  worker  is  the  same  as  the  psychology  of  the 
employer  and  the  manager  that  strikes  and  lockouts  occur  with 
such  distressing  frequency."  Applying  these  observations  to 
the  matter  that  we  are  now  considering,  the  Commisssioner  con- 
tinues: "  A  man  will  willingly  work  much  harder,  expend  much 
more  energy,  and  be  much  less  fatigued  working  on  a  job  which 
he  has  a  part  in  planning,  and  for  the  results  of  which  he  is 
responsible.  The  present-day  movement  for  industrial  democ- 
racy is  a  partial  recognition  of  the  fundamental  psychological 
phenomenon  that  industrial  fatigue  is  not  simply  an  engineering 
question,  to  be  stated  mathematically  in  foot-pounds  per  hour, 
or  even  a  physiological  question  having  to  do  with  calories  burned 
up  in  the  body.  Work  is  hard  primarily  because  it  is  un- 
interesting, or  easy  because  it  demands  ingenuity  or  skill.  .  .  . 


274  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

The  worker  must  be  called  upon  to  use  his  head  in  planning  as 
well  as  his  hands  and  feet  in  executing  his  work  if  content- 
ment is  to  be  attained  in  industry."  {The  Monthly  Labor  Re- 
view, 'Feb.,  1920,  pp.  3,  4). 

The  problem  of  enlisting  the  interest  and  efficiency  of  the 
worker  through  the  exercise  of  his  directive  and  creative  facul- 
ties has  two  distinct  aspects.  There  is  the  question  of  individual 
technical  interest,  of  stimulating  the  worker's  ingenuity  and 
initiative  in  relation  to  the  particular  industrial  process  or 
task  upon  which  he  is  engaged.  The  object  here  is  primarily 
to  eliminate  monotony,  routine  and  fatigue.  While  the  ques- 
tion of  securing  and  maintaining  the  technical  interest  of  the 
worker  is  of  fundamental  importance,  it  will  not  be  further  con- 
sidered here;  for  it  is  at  once  more  difficult  and  less  pertinent 
to  our  general  subject  than  the  problem  of  arousing  the  worker's 
managerial  interest  and  capacity.  The  former  is  a  technical 
problem,  a  problem  for  the  industrial  engineer;  the  problem 
making  the  worker  more  interested  in  his  work  by  enabling 
him  to  participate  in  the  management  of  the  whole  shop  or 
concern,  is  one  that  can  be  solved  by  the  exercise  of  common 
sense  and  good  will,  and  it  has  a  direct  and  very  great  bear- 
ing upon  the  question  of  bringing  about  greater  cooperation 
between  capital  and  labor. 

In  modern  industry,  where  the  operation  of  an  industrial 
unit  requires  the  concerted  action  of  many  persons,  the  exercise 
of  directive  capacity  by  the  worker  can  be  obtained  only  through 
organization  and  cooperation.  The  question  is  not  whether  the 
worker  shall  be  an  employee,  or  the  manager  of  a  small  shop  or 
a  small  farm.  It  is  whether  he  shall  be  a  mere  executor  of 
orders,  or  whether  he  shall  participate,  in  common  with  his 
fellow  workers,  in  some  of  the  operations  of  management. 
"  Participation  in  management "  is,  indeed,  a  vague  phrase,  and 
it  means  many  different  things  to  different  persons.  As  we  em- 
ploy it  here,  it  implies  at  ouce  something  less  and  something 
more  than  it  conveys  to  the  average  man  who  has  given  the  sub- 
ject only  passing  consideration.  As  a  rule,  it  does  not  and 
should  not  include  either  the  commercial  or  the  financial  opera- 
tions of  a  business.  The  workers  are  not  competent  nor  eager 
to  take  part  in  the  processes  of  buying  materials,  finding  a 


THE  RECON'CILIATION  276 

market  for  and  selling  the  product,  borrowing  money,  or  financ- 
ing extensions  of  the  enterprise.  It  is  mainly  in  the  industrial 
or  productive  department  of  a  business  that  labor  participation 
in  management  can  become  beneficial  to  employees  and  em- 
ployers. On  the  other  hand,  it  means  something  more  than 
a  share  in  direction  of  such  matters  as  safety,  sanitation, 
benefit  funds  and  welfare  activities  generally.  In  addition  to 
these  subjects,  and  in  addition  to  the  subjects  of  wages,  hours, 
shop  conditions  and  shop  discipline,  there  are  such  questions  as 
the  engagement,  transfer  and  discharge  of  employees ;  the  con- 
tinuous application  of  shop  rules  and  working  agreements;  the 
training  of  apprentices ;  the  supply  of  work ;  the  introduction  of 
new  machinery;  the  improvement  of  industrial  processes  and 
organization;  industrial  experiments;  and  scientific  manage- 
ment. 

The  first  half  dozen  of  these  subjects  have  been  brought  to 
a  greater  or  less  degree  under  the  control  of  the  workers  in 
many  establishments  which  make  no  pretense  of  exemplifying 
labor  participation  in  management.  They  all  concern  condi- 
tions of  emplojTuent  and  relations  with  the  employer.  Whilo 
they  are  an  essential  element  in  labor  participation,  they  are 
not  the  more  important  and  distinctive  element.  The  last  four 
or  five  activities  mentioned  in  the  list  describe  the  greater  part 
of  what  is  new  and  novel  in  the  conception.  They  involve  some 
exercise  of  industrial  and  technical  direction.  And  they  differ 
from  those  devices  for  arousing  the  technical  interest  of  the  in- 
dividual worker  in  his  task,  to  which  brief  reference  was  made 
above,  because  they  have  to  do  with  the  productive  organization 
as  a  whole.  "  There  is  a  vast  gulf  fixed,"  says  Commissioner 
Meeker,  "  between  expressing  an  opinion  about  the  shape  of  the 
handle  of  a  shovel  one  uses  for  heaving  slag,  or  the  desirability 
of  having  a  glee  club  rather  than  a  debating  society,  and  the 
planning  and  routing  of  work,  devising  methods  and  determin- 
ing upon  tools,  machines  and  processes  for  making  the  finished 
product  in  a  big  plant."     {Idem,  p.  12.) 

The  general  principle  underlying  the  demand  for  labor  par- 
ticipation in  management  is  that  the  workers  should  have  a 
share  in  the  control  of  all  those  conditions  and  processes  which 
affect  them  directly  or  appreciably,  and  about  which  they  pes- 


276  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

sess  some  helpful  knowledge.  The  latter  consideration  is  almost 
as  important  as  the  former,  and  yet  it  has  been  strangely  ignored 
by  the  great  majority  of  employers.  Proceeding  upon  the  auto- 
cratic assumption  that  the  workers  are  fit  only  to  be  dependent 
units,  animated  instruments,  of  production,  they  have  deprived 
themselves  of  the  technical  advice  and  cooperation  which  they 
might  have  obtained  from  the  rank  and  file  of  their  employees. 
After  all,  the  active  contact  of  the  latter  with  technical  pro- 
cesses and  shop  organization  may  fairly  be  presumed  to  give 
them  some  distinctive  competency  and  a  distinctive  viewpoint. 
These  should  have  some  value  in  the  operation  and  manage- 
ment of  the  concern.  "  I  insist  that  the  management,  even 
scientific  management,  has  not  a  monopoly  of  all  the  brains  in 
an  establishment.  ...  As  a  worker  and  a  student,  I  feel  that 
there  is  a  tremendous  latent  creative  force  in  the  workers  of  to- 
day which  is  not  being  utilized  at  all.  .  .  .  Here  is  a  vast  source 
of  industrial  power  which  has  been  cut  off,  isolated,  by  the  trans- 
formation of  little  business  into  big  business.  It  wnll  be  diffi- 
cult to  tap  this  source,  but  tap  it  we  must  if  we  are  to  continue 
anything  resembling  the  present  industrial  organization  with  its 
large  scale  production.  The  good  will  of  the  workers  is  a  much 
more  potent  force  making  for  industrial  efficiency  than  all  the 
scientific  management  formulas  and  systems  of  production. 
There  is  no  inherent  reason  why  the  good  will  of  the  workers 
should  not  go  hand  in  hand  with  scientific  management.  Until 
now  the  workers  have  had  only  antagonism  for  scientific  man- 
agement because  the  scientific  manager  never  asked  them  for 
their  opinions  or  ideas, —  he  only  told  them  what  they  were 
expected  to  do,  and  the  workers  promptly  did  something  else. 
I  have  already  said  workers  are  not  different  from  employers. 
That  is  precisely  what  ails  them.  If  employers  will  only  deal 
fairly  and  squarely  with  their  employees,  let  them  know  all 
about  the  business  except  those  technical  processes  which  must 
be  kept  secret,  and  take  them  into  a  real  partnership,  produc- 
tion will  be  enormously  improved  both  in  quantity  and  quality." 
(Ibid.) 

Dr.  Meeker  might  have  added  that  those  employers  who  have 
had  any  considerable  experience  with  the  scheme  of  labor  par- 
ticipation in  management,  are  practically  unanimous  in  affirm- 


THE  RECONCILIATIO]^  277 

ing  its  manifold  advantages.  After  listening  for  more  than  two 
months  to  the  testimony  and  opinions  of  persons  representing 
every  interest  in  the  field  of  industry,  the  President's  Second 
Industrial  Conference  made  this  statement :  "  The  Conference 
finds  that  joint  organization  of  management  and  employees, 
where  undertaken  with  sincerity  and  good  will,  has  a  record  of 
success." 

The  manifold  benefits  that  may  with  assurance  be  expected 
from  the  arrangement  can  be  tlius  summarized :  The  directive 
and  creative  faculties  of  the  workers  are  brought  into  action ; 
the  workers  acquire  greater  consciousness  of  their  dignity  and 
increased  self-respect;  with  this  energizing  consciousness,  and 
with  the  actual  exercise  of  some  control  over  the  human  rela- 
tions and  the  industrial  processes  of  the  institution  in  which 
they  spend  their  active  lives,  there  comes  to  the  workers  some 
sense  of  responsibility,  of  accountability,  for  the  welfare  and 
progress  of  the  business ;  their  new  status  makes  them  not  only 
more  interested  in  their  work,  but  more  contented  and  more 
kindly  disposed  toward  the  emplover ;  the  merely  business  re- 
lation between  employer  and  employee  is  supplanted  by  some- 
thing like  a  human  relation,  which  makes  them  more  like  part- 
ners and  less  like  antagonists;  the  employer  finds  that  both  his 
pecuniary  welfare  and  his  peace  of  mind  have  been  enhanced ; 
and  the  whole  community  is  the  gainer  through  a  larger  and 
more  efficient  production. 

THE    SHOP    COMMITTEE 

The  particular  forms  of  organization  through  which  labor 
participation  in  management  is  eifectuated,  exhibit  considerable 
variety.  The  main  types  are  about  half  a  dozen.  In  all  of 
them  the  essential  and  fundamental  arrangement  is  the  shop 
committee,  which  is  composed  of  equal  numbers  of  persons 
representing  tlie  employees  and  the  management.  This  joint 
association  meets  regiilarly  and  frequently  to  deal  with  all 
matters  of  common  interest  in  the  productive  department  of  the 
business. 

The  objections  to  the  shop  committee  by  employers  are  mainly 
two.     One  of  these  springs  from  an  autocratic  desire  to  "  man- 


278  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

age  their  business  as  they  see  fit " ;  that  is,  a  disinclination  to 
share  the  exercise  of  industrial  control  with  anyone,  least  of 
all,  with  their  employees.  This  attitude  is  logically  impossi- 
ble, since  every  employer's  control  is  limited  to  some  extent 
by  the  fact  that  his  employees  are  not  slaves  but  freemen  whose 
services  he  can  obtain  only  by  the  method  of  contract.  In  these 
conditions  the  practical  question  for  the  employer  is  not 
whether  he  will  exercise  unlimited  power  over  all  the  features 
of  the  business,  but  how  much  power  it  is  wise  to  share  with  his 
employees.  And  the  answer  to  that  question  is  that  an  enlight- 
ened employer  will  permit  and  even  encourage  his  employees 
to  share  in  the  management  to  whatever  extent  is  conducive  to 
the  well  being  of  the  business. 

In  the  second  place,  many  employers  refuse  to  believe  that 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  workers  possess  any  capacity  for  partici- 
pation in  management.  To  this  contention  there  are  two  re- 
plies. First,  the  theory  that  the  industrial  population  is  di- 
vided into  two  sharply  distinguished  classes,  the  supermen  at 
the  top  who  only  are  capable  of  exercising  directive  power,  and 
the  masses  at  the  bottom  who  are  utterly  devoid  of  such  ability, 
is  as  false  in  industry  as  in  politics.  It  has  been  discredited 
in  the  latter  sphere,  and  there  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  assum- 
ing that  it  is  either  true  or  destined  to  endure  in  the  domain 
of  industry.  The  difference  between  the  ability  required  to 
govern  politically  and  that  needed  to  manage  an  industrial  con- 
cern, is  one  of  degree,  not  of  kind.  In  any  case,  it  will  not  be 
permanently  possible  to  maintain  industry  in  a  political  democ- 
racy upon  a  basis  of  despotism  and  feudalism.  The  second 
answer  to  the  employei*'s  distrust  of  the  managerial  capacity 
of  the  workers  is  that  only  a  small  proportion  of  any  labor  force 
need  be  given  the  opportunity  of  participating  in  management, 
and  that  even  these  have  to  be  educated  to  the  function  gradu- 
ally. What  is  immediately  desirable  is  not  tliat  the  arrange- 
ment be  introduced  with  any  given  degree  of  rapidity,  but  that 
it  be  deliberately  and  honestly  accorded  a  SATupathetic  trial. 
Success  will  not  come  without  the  exercise  of  great  patience  by 
all  persons  concerned. 

The  shop  committee  ought  to  appeal  especially  to  those  em- 
ployers who  desire  to  be  fair  to  labor,  but  who  regard  the  trade 


THE  EECONCILIATION  279 

Tinion  as  a  great  source  of  friction  and  as  an  obstacle  to  the 
snccess  of  all  attempts  to  arouse  the  interest  of  the  worker  in 
the  welfare  of  the  concern  in  which  he  is  employed.  A  shop 
committee  that  functioned  satisfactorily  would  necessarily  com- 
pel the  workers  to  regard  with  a  friendly  feeling  and  with  some 
sense  of  responsibility  the  business  in  whose  management  they 
had  some  share.  The  consciousness  of  cooperation  and  common 
interests  between  them  and  their  employer  would  become  some- 
thing real  and  vital. 

From  this  consideration  we  are  naturally  led  to  consider  the 
objections  of  the  trade  unions.  They  fear  that  shop  committee 
will  degenerate  into  "  company  unions  " ;  that  is,  organizations 
dominated  by  the  employer. 

One  answer  to  this  assumption  is  that  no  fonn  of  labor  associ- 
ation can  remain  long  under  the  control  of  the  employer,  or  of 
any  other  power  than  the  members  themselves ;  a  second  answer 
is  that  the  shop  committee  should  be  maintained  in  frank  co- 
operation with  the  regular  labor  union.  It  is  not  a  substitute 
for  the  latter.  It  has  distinct  functions  of  its  own  ;  for  example, 
the  negotiation  and  enforcement  of  standard  terms  of  wages  and 
other  conditions  of  employment  throughout  a  whole  industry. 
The  shop  committee  deals  only  with  employment  relations  in 
a  single  plant  or  establishment,  is  particularly  concerned  with 
details  which  cannot  be  effectively  handled  by  the  union,  and 
must  hold  sessions  much  more  frequently  than  the  joint  confer- 
ences between  the  union  and  the  employers  for  an  entire  indus- 
try. Therefore,  there  is  no  reason  why  the  shop  committee 
should  intrude  upon  the  field  that  belongs  to  the  union,  even  in 
the  matter  of  working  conditions  and  emplo%Tnent  relations. 
And  the  domain  of  labor  participation  in  industrial  manage- 
ment, the  relation  of  the  workers  to  industrial  processes  and 
organization,  is  entirely  outside  the  scope  of  the  union. 

Some  day  the  relations  between  capital  and  labor  may  have 
become  so  satisfactory  that  the  shop  committee  and  the  larger 
industrial  council  will  be  the  only  fonn  of  organization  required 
for  the  protection  of  the  workers;  but  that  dav  is  still  far  in 
the  future.  Until  it  arrives,  the  shop  committee  can  only  sup- 
plement, not  supplant,  the  union ;  and  every  true  friend  of  the 


280  CHUUCH  AKD  LABOR 

shop  committee  will  frankly  recog^iize  the  necessity  of  hanr.oni- 
ous  cooperation  between  the  two  forms  of  association. 

STATEMENT    OF    THE    PRESIDENT'S    INDUSTRIAL    CONFERENCE 

The  declarations  of  the  Conference  on  labor  participation 
in  management,  under  the  title,  "  employee  representation,"  are 
significant  for  several  reasons.  First,  because  the  members  of 
the  Conference  are  in  the  main  either  employers  of  labor  or 
professional  men  who  have  the  viewpoint  of  the  employer  rather 
than  of  the  employee ;  second,  because  the  members  were  unani- 
mous in  making  these  declarations,  and  all  others  as  well,  which 
appear  in  the  Eeport,  and,  third,  because  of  the  strong  approval 
given  to  the  position  that  both  employers  and  trade  unionists 
ought  to  welcome  labor  participation  in  management.  Follow- 
ing are  the  most  significant  paragraphs  on  this  subject: 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  unrest  today  is  characterized  more  than 
ever  before  by  purposes  and  desires  which  go  beyond  the  mere  de- 
mand for  higher  wages  and  shorter  hours.  Aspirations  inherent  in 
this  form  of  restlessness  are  to  a  great  extent  psychological  and 
intangible.  They  are  not  for  that  reason  any  less  significant.  They 
reveal  a  desire  on  the  part  of  workers  to  exert  a  larger  and  more 
organic  influence  upon  the  processes  of  industrial  life.  This  im- 
pulse is  not  to  be  discouraged  but  made  helpful  and  cooperative. 
"With  comprehending  and  sympathetic  appreciation,  it  can  be  con- 
verted into  a  force  working  for  a  better  spirit  and  understanding  be- 
tween capital  and  labor,  and  for  more  effective  cooperation. 

The  idea  of  employee  representation  has  aroused  opposition  from 
two  sources.  On  the  one  hand,  in  plants  too  large  for  direct  per- 
sonal contact,  employers  who  still  adhere  to  the  theory  that  labor  is 
a  commodity,  hold  off  from  any  form  of  cooperation  with  employees. 
This  view  is  steadily  disappearing  and  will,  it  is  hoped,  wholly  dis- 
appear. On  the  other  hand,  a  number  of  trade  union  leaders  re- 
gard shop  representation  as  a  subtle  weapon  directed  against  the 
union.  This  thought  is  apparently  based  on  the  fear  that  it  may 
be  used  by  some  employers  to  undermine  the  unions.  Conceived  in 
that  spirit  no  plan  can  be  a  lasting  agency  of  industrial  peace. 

But  occasional  misuse  of  employee  representation  and  the  conse- 
quent hesitancy  of  organized  labor  to  endorse  it  officially,  are  based 
on  a  misconception  of  the  possible  and  desirable  relations  between 
the  union  and  the  shop  committee.  This  relation  is  a  complemen- 
tary, and  not  a  mutually  exclusive  one.     In  many  plants  the  trade 


THE  RECOKCILIATION  281 

union  and  the  shop  committee  are  both  functioning  harmoniously. 
In  some  establishments  the  men  are  unionized,  and  the  shop  com- 
mittees are  composed  of  union  men.  In  others,  some  men  belong  to 
the  trade  union  while  all  belong  to  the  shop  organization. 

The  union  has  had  its  gi'eatest  success  in  dealing  with  basic  work- 
ing conditions,  and  with  tlie  general  level  of  wages  in  organized  and 
partially  organized  industries  and  crafts.  It  has  also  indirectly 
exerted  an  influence  on  standards  in  unorganized  trades.  There  is 
no  reason  to  suppose  that  in  the  future  this  influence  will  not  con- 
tinue. 

Local  problems,  however,  fall  naturally  within  the  province  of  shop 
committees.  Xo  organization  covering  the  whole  trade  and  un- 
familiar with  special  local  conditions  and  the  questions  that  come  up 
from  day  to  day,  is  by  itself  in  a  position  to  deal  with  these  ques- 
tions adequately,  or  to  enlist  the  cooperation  of  employer  and  em- 
ployee in  methods  to  improve  production  and  to  reduce  strain. 
Except  for  trades  in  which  the  union  itself  has  operated  under  a 
system  of  employee  representation,  as  it  does  in  shipbuilding  and  in 
the  manfacture  of  clothing  and  in  other  trades,  these  internal  fac- 
tors are  likely  either  to  be  neglected  or  to  be  dealt  with  in  a  way 
which  does  not  make  for  satisfactory  cooperation. 

The  existence  of  employee  representation  in  plants  operating  under 
union  agreement  does  not  necessarily  reduce  the  scope  of  the  iinion 
representative's  work.  But  matters  are  more  likely  to  come  to  him  as 
questions  of  the  application  of  an  agreement  rather  than  as  a  mere 
grievance.  In  other  words  he  has  greater  opportunity  for  service 
in  negotiation  of  an  essentially  conciliatory  nature.  The  fortunate 
results  of  such  development  have  been  evident  in  industries  in  which 
employee  representation  and  trade  unions  have  for  some  time  been 
functioning  harmoniously. 

PEOriT    SHAEING 

All  the  advantages  of  Labor  participation  in  management  can 
be  increased  and  supplemented  by  a  system  of  labor  sharing  in 
surplus  profits.  These  are  the  profits  which  remain  after  fair 
wages  and  all  other  expenditures  have  been  paid,  after  sufficient 
reserves  have  been  set  aside  to  cover  depreciation  and  main- 
tenance, and  after  capital  has  received  a  dividend  sufficient  to 
provide  the  prevailing  rate  of  interest  and  something  in  addition 
to  meet  the  contingency  of  unprosperous  years.  This  surplus 
should  be  divided  between  capital  and  labor  on  such  a  basis  as 
would  stimulate  the  interest  and  efficiency  of  the  latter,  with- 


282  CHURCH  AKD  LAEOR 

out  decreasing  the  efficiency  of  the  management.  The  plan  is 
economically  sound  because  it  does  not  begin  to  function  until 
capital  has  received  the  normal  or  average  return  which  is  suffi- 
cient to  keep  the  business  solvent  and  to  attract  new  invest- 
ments. In  view  of  this  circumstance,  the  objection  sometimes 
urged  against  profit-sharing,  that  it  does  not  compel  the  workers 
to  share  losses  as  well  as  gains,  is  entirely  irrelevant.  The 
worker  is  not  required  to  share  general  or  average  losses  for  the 
very  good  reason  that  these  are  already  offset  aud  discounted  in 
the  rate  of  interest  which  capital  is  permitted  to  take  before 
any  profits  are  distributed.  He  is  required  to  share  those 
special  losses  which  occur  whenever  there  is  no  surplus  to  dis- 
tribute. In  these  circumstances  he  receives  the  same  treatment 
as  the  capitalist, —  neither  gets  surplus  profits.  Both,  how- 
ever, obtain  their  normal  returns,  respectively,  the  regular  rate 
of  wages  and  the  average  rate  of  dividend.  The  fund  to  be 
divided  in  a  profit  sharing  plan  is  not  the  general  or  average 
returns  from  a  business,  but  the  surplus  that  remains  after  all 
average  charges  are  met.  And  this  surplus  would  be  in  great 
part  provided  through  the  enhanced  contentment  and  efficiency 
of  the  workers  themselves. 

The  majority  of  profit  sharing  schemes  have  been  unsuccess- 
ful for  various  and  sufficient  reasons.  Sometimes  they  were 
introduced  as  substitutes  for  decent  wages;  sometimes  they 
were  used  to  keep  the  workers  out  of  unions ;  and  sometimes  — 
frequently  in  fact  —  they  have  been  so  disproportionately 
favorable  to  capital  as  to  yield  the  workers  only  insignificant 
additions  to  wages.  In  order  to  be  effective  a  profit  sharing 
plan  must  presuppose  a  wage  scale  equal  to  the  highest  pre- 
vailing, no  interference  with  labor  unions,  and  a  more  generous 
share  of  the  surplus  to  labor  than  has  been  the  general  prac- 
tice heretofore.  The  most  liberal  division  is  on  the  basis  of 
the  total  fixed  dividend  pa}Tnent  and  the  total  wage  pa^Tnent. 
The  least  liberal  is  that  which  takes  the  total  investment  as 
the  basis  of  the  share  of  capital,  retaining  total  wages  as  the  de- 
terminant of  the  share  of  labor.  Another  arrangement  divides 
the  surplus  equally  between  capital  and  labor,  regardless  of 
the  relations  which  capital   investment  bears  to  the  pajToll. 


THE  KECONCILIATION  283 

This  is  more  generous  than  the  second  plan,  but  less  generous 
than  the  first. 

As  in  the  case  of  labor  participation  in  management,  so  in 
the  matter  of  profit  sharing,  the  right  of  labor  to  organize  and 
to  bargain  collectively  must  be  honestly  preserved.  At  least, 
such  must  be  the  policy  for  many  years  yet.  Until  these  new 
institutions  have  become  general,  well  established  and  success- 
ful, the  workers  cannot  afford  to  give  up  the  labor  union. 

The  long  discussion  of  these  devices  in  the  foregoing  pages 
has  been  dictated  by  the  conviction  that  a  considerable  change 
in  the  industrial  status  of  labor  and  in  the  relations  between 
labor  and  capital,  is  inevitable.  Labor  will  insist  upon  the 
change,  and  capital  will  in  the  long  run  profit  by  willingly  ac- 
quiescing. Society  cannot  afford  to  permit  the  indefinite  con- 
tinuation of  the  present  conditions  of  industrial  friction  and 
uncertainty,  inadequate  production  and  social  waste.  Coopera- 
tion and  partnership  between  the  two  great  industrial  groups 
must  take  the  place  of  conflict  and  dependence.  The  most  effec- 
tive means  to  these  ends  seem  to  be  labor  sharing  in  management 
and  in  profits.  They  appear  adequate  to  bring  into  operation 
and  realization  all  those  motives  and  interests  which  are  common 
to  labor  and  capital,  and  all  these  principles  of  action  which 
will  promote  the  common  good.  So  far  as  we  can  now  see,  the 
only  alternative  is  some  species  of  destructive  radicalism. 


DIVEEGENT    INTERESTS 

So  much  for  the  common  interests  of  the  two  industrial 
parties.  These  apply  only  to  those  processes  and  relations 
which  are  involved  in  the  making  of  the  product.  As  regards 
the  division  of  the  product,  the  interests  of  capital  and  labor 
are  mutually  opposed.  Obviously  the  problem  of  reconciling 
conflicting  interests  is  more  difiicult  than  that  of  giving  effect 
to  common  interests.  While  labor  participation  in  manage- 
ment and  profit  sharing  would  considerably  soften  the  conflict 
over  the  division  of  the  product,  it  would  not  and  could  not 
solve  the  problem.  "  So  long  as  the  capitalist  regards  wages 
as  a  necessary  cost,  so  long  as  the  worker  regards  interest,  rent 
and  profits  as  deductions  from  the  wealth  that  he  creates,  that 


284  CHUKCH  AND  LABOR 

unsettled  question  is  a  flaming  sword  which  cleaves  their  in- 
terests apart."     {Labor  in  the  Changing  ^yorld,"  p.  126.) 

Moreover,  some  approach  to  a  satisfactory  adjustment  of  this 
problem  would  be  a  powerful  impetus  toward  the  adoption  of 
the  devices  for  more  harmonious  relations  in  the  process  of 
production.  Unless  men  are  fairly  well  satisfied  with  their 
wages,  they  will  have  little  inclination  for  or  faith  in  labor 
sharing  in  management  and  in  profits. 

The  most  effective  means  of  diminishing  the  antagonistic  ele- 
ments in  the  relations  between  capital  and  labor  is  religion  and 
the  moral  principles  inculcated  by  religion,  especially  the  prin- 
ciples of  justice.  This  statement  is  particularly  true  of  the 
division  of  the  product.  Since  neither  physical  nor  economic 
force  is  an  acceptable  rule  of  division,  the  only  recourse  is  to 
the  rule  of  right.  How,  according  to  this  rule,  should  the 
product  be  divided  between  labor  and  capital?  An  adequate 
answer  to  this  question  will  not  be  attempted,  for  two  reasons : 
first,  it  would  take  up  too  much  space ;  second,  it  is  beyond  the 
present  writer's  ability.  All  that  we  can  do  here,  and  all  that 
is  necessary,  is  to  set  forth  some  of  the  most  fundamental  and 
most  evident  conclusions  of  justice  that  apply  to  the  situation. 

JUSTICE    IN    THE    DIVISION    OF    THE    PRODUCT 

In  order  to  make  the  discussion  as  concrete  as  possible,  let 
us  consider  a  manufacturing  corporation.  The  first  and  most 
fundamental  moral  principle  to  be  kept  in  mind  is  that  all  per- 
sons have  a  right  of  access  on  reasonable  terms  and  conditions 
to  the  earth's  sources  of  livelihood.  This  is  the  primary  right 
of  property.  Therefore,  all  the  workers  in  this  manufacturing 
establishment,  from  the  day  laborer  to  the  executive  officer, 
who  perform  a  reasonable  day's  work  have  a  right  to  at  least 
so  much  of  the  product  as  will  enable  them  to  live  decently,  in 
a  manner  becoming  to  human  beings.  Because  they  are  per- 
sons they  have  a  right  to  live  from  the  common  bounty  of  God ; 
because  they  are  persons  they  have  likewise  a  right  to  a  decent 
livelihood  from  the  common  store.  "  If  through  necessity  or  the 
fear  of  a  worse  evil,"  says  Pope  Leo  XIII,  "  the  workman  ac- 
cept harder  conditions  because  an  employer  or  contractor  will 
afford  him  no  better,  he  is  the  victim  of  force  and  injustice." 


THE  EECONCILIATION  285 

Some  members  of  the  working  force  have  a  right  to  more 
than  this  minimum  of  decent  living.  The  executive  officers, 
the  superintendents,  and  in  general  all  those  who  perform  direc- 
tive functions,  have  a  just  claim  to  something  additional,  for 
two  reasons:  first,  because  many  of  them  have  expended  time 
and  money  in  the  process  of  fitting  themselves  for  their  pres- 
ent tasks;  second,  because  they  have  become  accustomed  to  a 
standard  of  living  above  the  minimum,  and  would  suffer  undue 
hardships  if  they  were  compelled  to  decline  to  a  lower  level. 
Among  the  workers  who  do  not  perform  directive  functions, 
there  are  likewise  some  who  have  a  right  to  something  more 
than  the  minimum  remuneration  that  will  afford  decent  sup- 
port :  those  who  are  engaged  upon  exceptionally  disagreeable, 
arduous  or  hazardous  tasks ;  those  who  produce  more  than  the 
average  worker;  and  those  whose  preparation  for  their  present 
occupations  involved  the  expenditure  of  time  and  money. 

What  about  the  stockholders  who  take  no  active  part  in  the 
operation  of  the  business,  in  the  making  of  the  product  ?  In 
spite  of  the  difficulties  which  surround  this  question,  we  may 
answer  for  practical  purposes  that  these  stockholders  may,  for 
both  social  and  industrial  reasons,  properly  claim  at  least  the 
prevailing  or  competitive  rate  of  interest  on  their  investment ; 
that  is,  the  rate  which  is  obtained  generally  from  investments 
subject  to  the  degree  of  risk  that  affects  this  corporation.  Those 
stockholders  who  are  actively  employed  in  the  business  have 
also  a  claim  to  this  interest-return,  in  addition  to  the  remunera- 
tion that  they  receive  for  their  labor. 

Suppose  that  the  product  is  not  large  enough  to  satisfy  all 
these  claims;  that  is,  living  wages  for  all  the  workers,  additional 
rewards  for  those  who  have  special  claims,  as  described  above, 
and  the  prevailing  rate  of  interest  for  the  owners  of  capital. 
In  such  a  case  the  claims  of  the  stockholders  to  interest  give 
way  before  the  wage-claims  of  the  active  members  of  the  concern. 
The  stockholders  have  other  means  of  livelihood  than  their  in- 
terest-incomes,—  they  have  their  capacity  to  work.  Therefore, 
the  needs  which  they  will  satisfy  through  the  receipt  of  interest, 
are  less  important  in  the  moral  order,  in  the  human  order,  than 
the  needs  of  the  workers,  the  needs  which  are  dependent  upon 
wages.     If  the  workers  are  compelled  to  accept  less  than  living 


286  CHUKCH  AWD  LABOR 

wages  in  order  that  the  stockholders  may  obtain  the  normal  rate 
of  interest,  the  elementary  needs  of  the  former,  their  need  of 
food,  clothing  and  shelter,  will  be  accounted  less  important  than 
the  desires  of  the  stockholders  to  enjoy  life's  luxuries  and  super- 
fluities. This  is  a  manifestly  irrational  distribution  of  the 
common  product  among  persons  who  are  essentially  equal  in 
human  dignity  and  in  their  claims  to  a  reasonable  amount  of 
the  goods  and  opportunities  which  God  has  provided  for  all  His 
children.  Therefore,  justice  requires  that  the  owner  of  capital 
should  not  receive  interest  until  all  the  workers  have  obtained 
remuneration  equivalent  to  a  decent  livelihood. 

Have  all  the  employees  a  right  to  something  more  than  mere 
living  wages  ?  Have  all  those  who  deserve  extra  remuneration 
on  account  of  unusual  hazards,  productivity,  cost  of  preparation, 
etc.,  a  right  to  something  more  than  the  surplus  compensation 
which  will  exactly  meet  these  special  conditions?  We  do  not 
know  how  to  answer  either  of  these  questions.  If  more  than  the 
equitable  minimum  is  given  to  either  of  these  classes,  it  will 
come  from  either  the  consumer  or  the  capitalist.  With  regard 
to  the  former,  it  is  impossible  to  lay  down  any  general  rule. 
It  is  impossible  to  show  that  the  consumer  is  or  is  not  obliged 
to  pay  prices  sufficiently  high  to  provide  all  the  workers  with 
something  more  than  the  equitable  minimum.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  seems  reasonable  that  such  extra  compensation  should 
not  be  given  to  the  workers  by  depriving  the  capitalist  of  the 
normal  rate  of  interest.  If  the  capitalist  is  already  in  receipt 
of  this  measure  of  return,  and  there  exists  a  surplus  which 
might  go  to  either  the  owners  of  capital  or  the  laborers,  it  would 
seem  that  the  latter  ought  to  be  preferred ;  for  it  is  impossible 
to  prove  that  the  capitalist,  merely  as  capitalist,  ever  has  a  strict 
right  to  interest  in  excess  of  the  prevailing  rate.  A  division  of 
the  surplus  between  all  the  workers  and  all  the  owners  of  capital 
would  not  be  inequitable,  and  would  be  industrially  and  socially 
beneficial.  The  features  and  advantages  of  this  arrangement 
have  been  set  forth  at  sufficient  length  on  preceding  pages. 
Probably  the  ideal  plan,  from  the  viewpoint  of  both  equity  and 
efficiency,  would  be  to  distribute  the  whole  surplus  among  all 
who  perform  labor  of  any  sort  in  the  operation  of  the  concern, 
whether  they  are  or  are  not  at  the  same  time  stockholders.     In 


THE  EECONCILIATION  287 

this  way  the  surplus  gains  would  go  to  those  who  have  labored 
to  produce  them,  and  the  efficiency  and  productivity  of  all 
would  be  stimulated  to  the  maximum. 

JUSTICE    IN    THE    CONDITIONS    OF    EMPLOYMENT 

Closely  connected  with  wages  as  a  cause  of  divergent  interest 
between  capital  and  labor,  is  the  length  of  the  working  day. 
Within  certain  limits,  the  capitalist  is  interested  in  a  long  day, 
the  laborer  in  a  short  one.  As  a  rule,  the  former  makes  a 
larger  profit  when  the  working  day  is  ten  hours  than  when  it 
is  six  hours,  or  even  eight,  while  the  worker  obtains  greater 
ease  and  leisure  from  the  shorter  period.  To  this  extent  their 
interests  in  this  matter  are  mutually  antagonistic.  How  can 
this  conflict  be  reconciled  on  principles  of  justice  ?  Perhaps  a 
sufficient  general  answer  will  be  found  in  the  declarations  of 
Pope  Leo  XIII  ("  On  the  Condition  of  Labor  "),  "  Daily  labor 
should  not  be  protracted  over  longer  hours  than  strength  ad- 
mits " ;  this  depends  upon  "  the  nature  of  the  work,  the  circum- 
stances of  time  and  place,  and  the  strength  and  health  of  the 
workman."  In  most  urban  industries  these  requirements  would 
probably  dictate  a  working  day  restricted  to  eight  hours. 

In  the  matters  of  safety,  sanitation  and  moral  safeguards, 
the  interests  of  the  employer  and  of  the  employee  again  come 
into  conflict.  Adequate  provision  to  meet  these  needs  imposes 
an  expense  upon  the  former,  while  the  absence  of  such  provision 
exposes  the  worker  to  physical  and  moral  injury.  Justice  de- 
mands that  the  employer  should  furnish  the  appropriate  protec- 
tive devices  in  normal  and  reasonable  measure. 

THE    NECESSITY    OF    AEBITEATION 

Wages,  hours,  and  shop  conditions  are,  therefore,  the  chief 
sources  of  antagonism  between  the  interests  of  capital  and 
labor;  and  the  principles  of  justice,  as  also  of  charity,  are  the 
fundamental  and  indispensable  means  of  reconciling  and  com- 
posing these  differences.  When  the  two  parties  cannot  agree 
concerning  either  the  authority  or  the  practical  applications  of 
these  moral  principles,  there  are  two  rational  methods  of  adjust- 
ment which  should  be  utilized  before  resort  is  had  to  either  a 
strike  or   a  lockout.     One  is  direct  negotiation  between   the 


288  CHURCH  AND  LABOK 

authorized  representatives  of  the  employer  and  the  employee,  as 
already  described  in  the  discussion  of  collective  bargaining. 
When  this  method  fails  the  next  step  should  be  arbitration.  An 
impartial  tribunal  can  practically  always  be  obtained  if  both 
parties  are  in  a  reasonable  frame  of  mind.  To  reject  arbitra- 
tion is  to  assume  that  justice  can  be  ascertained  and  established 
by  the  preponderance  of  economic  force.  In  a  lockout  or  a 
strike  it  is  always  the  economically  stronger  party  that  wins, 
not  necessarily  the  one  that  has  a  just  cause.  A  strike  may  fail 
or  it  may  succeed;  a  lockout  may  fail  or  it  may  succeed:  in 
all  four  events  the  question  of  justice  remains  quite  as  unde- 
termined as  before. 

N"or  is  there  any  merit  in  the  objection  that  the  method  of 
arbitration  sometimes  results  in  a  miscarriage  of  justice.  So 
it  does ;  but  in  the  words  of  the  Pastoral  Letter  of  the  American 
Hierarchy,  issued  a  few  weeks  ago :  "  No  human  institution 
is  perfect  or  infallible ;  even  our  courts  of  law  are  sometimes 
in  error.  Like  the  law  court,  the  tribunal  of  industrial  arbitra- 
tion provides  the  nearest  approach  to  justice  that  is  practically 
attainable;  for  the  only  alternative  is  economic  force,  and  its 
decisions  have  no  necessary  relation  to  the  decrees  of  justice." 

Until  recently  the  method  of  arbitration  was  rejected  more 
frequently  by  capital  than  by  labor,  for  the  simple  reason  that 
capital  felt  itself  to  be  the  stronger.  Of  late  labor  has  shown 
a  disposition  to  imitate  this  tactic,  this  general  weakness  of 
human  nature,  because  labor  thinks  that  the  preponderance  of 
force  has  passed  to  its  side.  Obviously  this  policy  is  no  more 
reasonable  now  than  formerly,  no  more  reasonable  in  the  hands 
of  labor  than  in  those  of  capital. 

The  elaborate  plan  of  legally  authorized  arbitration  recom- 
mended in  the  recent  Eleport  of  the  President's  Industrial  Con- 
ference seems  admirably  calculated  to  provide  adequate  methods 
of  adjusting  disputes.  Both  parties  are  assured  fair  and  com- 
petent representation  on  the  arbitration  tribunals,  and  the  public 
interests  are  safeguarded  by  the  inclusion  of  as  much  compul- 
sion as  is  feasible. 


;;  THE  REC0I^CILIATI0:N'  289 

JUSTICE    AND    PEACE 

Pope  Leo  XIII  closes  his  outline  of  the  nmtual  rights  and 
duties  of  employer  and  employee  with  this  question :     "  Were 
these  precepts  carefully  obeyed  and  followed  out,  would  they 
not  of  themselves  be  sufficient  to  keep  under  all  strife  and  all 
its  causes  ?  "     (Encyclical  "  On  the  Condition  of  Labor.")     In 
the  preceding  pages  we  have  done  nothing  more  than  to  attempt 
a  detailed  application  of  the  great  Pontiff's  precepts  and  prin- 
ciples, and  to  present  a  few  practical  methods  of  making  them 
effective  in  the  industrial  situation  of  the  United  States.     To 
these  methods  and  recommendations  we  take  the  liberty  of  ap- 
plying the  question  just  quoted.     Socialists,   as  we  are  well 
aware,  would  return  a  negative  answer.     Indeed,  they  would 
reject  outright  the  Pope's  assumption  that  the  abolition  of  in- 
dustrial strife  is  desirable.     For  they  hold  that  there  exists  a 
necessary  and  irrepressible  conflict  between  capital  and  labor, 
which  can  be  ended  only  through  the  abolition  of  private  capital. 
We  who  repudiate  this  social  and  economic  philosophy  believe 
that  the  interests  of  capital  and  labor  are  in  part  identical  and 
in  part  antagonistic.     We  believe  that  their  common  interests 
can  be  emphasized  and  their  diverse  interests  minimized  to  such 
an  extent  that  both  will  in  the  long  run  reap  from  the  policy 
immense  advantages.     We  believe  that  this  outcome  is  attain- 
able through  the  exercise  of  a  moderate  amount  of  intelligence, 
good  will,  and  mutual  sjTapathy.     It  is  easily  possible  for  any 
employer  and  any  group  of  workers  to  put  into  effect  the  prin- 
ciples and  proposals  described  in  the  foregoing  pages.     In  a 
few  instances  one  or  the  other  party  would  obtain  less  material 
advantages  than  through  the  methods  of  industrial  warfare,  but 
even  these  exceptional  individuals  and  groups  would  be  more 
than  compensated  in  terms  of  the  higher  goods  of  life.     In  the 
great  majority  of  cases,  both  capital  and  labor  would  be  better 
off  materially  and  spiritually.     The  solid  advantages  that  would 
accrue  to  the  commimity  as  a  whole  do  not  require  detailed 
statement. 

The  great  obstacles  to  the  acceptance  of  this  program  are  igno- 
rance and  selfishness.  A  very  large  proportion  of  both  em- 
ployers and  employees  do  not  realize  that  the  way  of  peace  and 


290  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

mutual  consideration  is  also  the  way  of  genuine  expediency. 
They  are  ignorant  on  this  point  simply  because  they  have  never 
given  the  matter  a  reasonable  amount  of  time  and  thought. 
Being  human,  both  parties  are  selfish.  Many  capitalists  want 
more  and  more  power,  regardless  of  the  rights  of  labor.  Many 
laborers  want  more  income  and  more  ease,  regardless  of  the 
rights  and  welfare  of  employers.  As  stated  in  the  closing 
paragraph  of  the  Bishops'  Program  of  Social  Reconstruction, 
the  urgent  need  of  the  time  is  for  a  new  spirit  in  the  hearts  of 
both  workers  and  capitalists.  "  Changes  in  our  economic  and 
political  systems  will  have  only  partial  and  feeble  efficacy  if 
they  be  not  reinforced  by  the  Christian  view  of  work  and 
wealth." 


3.     A  CATHOLIC  SOCIAL  PLATFOEM 

By  Rev.  Joseph  Husslein,  S.J.,  Ph.D. 

Editor's  IntrO'DIJction 

The  following  "  Platform  "  was  officially  adopted  by  various 
diocesan  and  national  Catholic  associations  in  English-speaking 
countries  shortly  after  its  appearance,  towards  the  latter  part  of 
1919.  It  was  included  by  the  author  in  his  Democratic  Indus- 
try, and  was  published  separately,  in  different  editions,  at  l^ew 
York  (1919)  and  at  Oxford  (1920).  Thousands  of  copies 
were  distributed  by  the  Catholic  Social  Guild  among  pastors, 
M.P.'s,  and  prominent  laymen. 

It  is  a  statement,  in  programmatic  form,  of  the  position  of 
the  Church  on  the  great  questions  of  Democracy  and  Industrial 
Relations,  as  gathered  from  the  various  official  pronouncement 
of  Popes  and  Bishops,  and  from  the  conclusions  of  recognized 
Catholic  authorities. 

To  aid  in  the  study  and  defense  of  the  propositions  contained 
in  the  platform,  constant  references  are  made  in  the  footnotes 
to  the  various  chapters  of  the  author's  two  volumes  in  which 
ihe  different  clauses  are  further  developed  and  their  conten- 
tions established.-^ 

The  Platform 

preamble 

1.  True  modem  democracy  first  arose  beneath  the  fostering 
care  of  the  Cliurch,  derived  its  principles  from  the  great  Cath- 
olic thinkers  of  the  Middle  Ages,  found  its  expression  in  many 
of  the  early  Catholic  city-democracies,  was  actively  maintained 

1  The  American  publishers  of  A  Catholic  Social  Platform,  and  of  the 
two  volumes  referred  to  throughout  it  are  P.  J.  Kenedy  &  Sons  (New 
York).  Attention  should  also  be  called  to  Dr.  Ryan's  two  books  particu- 
larly bearing  upon  these  subjects:  A  Living  Wage,  and  Distributive  Jus- 
tice, published  by  The  Macmillan  Company. 

291 


292  CHURCH  A^^D  LABOR 

in  its  rights  of  self-government  during  the  wars  of  the  twelfth 
century  by  Pope  Alexander  III,  has  been  continuously  ex- 
emplified since  the  thirteenth  century  in  the  Catholic  cantons  of 
Switzerland,  and  was  most  brilliantly  defended  in  the  theological 
schools  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  Reformation  doctrine 
of  the  Divine  right  of  kings  was  ever  strenuously  opposed  by  the 
Church.^ 

2.  All  true  democracy,  as  an  embodiment  of  the  brother- 
hood of  man,  must  be  based  on  the  fundamental  doctrine  of  the 
Fatherhood  of  God.^ 

3.  Its  aim  is  not  the  abolition  of  classes,  from  which  uni- 
versal happiness  is  vainly  expected  by  some  to  flow.  It  freely 
acknowledges  "  the  diversity  of  gifts  that  man  receives,  with 
the  consequent  inevitable  difference  in  position,  learning,  ac- 
quirements and  possessions  which  have  ever  characterized,  and 
must  always  characterize  the  members  of  the  human  race.'' 
(Cardinal  Bourne.) 

4.  The  perfect  social  ideal  is  found  only  in  the  Christian 
cooperation  of  all  classes  and  of  all  individuals,  as  members  of 
one  social  body,  under  the  governance  of  lawfully  appointed 
authority,  whose  power,  however  conferred  by  the  people,  is 
ultimately  derived  from  God.^ 

5.  Democracy  in  education  took  its  beginning  in  the  great 
system  of  public  schools  created  by  the  Church  (Third  and 
Fourth  Lateran  Councils,  1179  and  1215)  and  in  the  vast 
medieval  universities  fostered  by  her,  with  their  gilds  of  mas- 
ters and  scholars.'^ 

6.  With  the  "  Great  Pillage,"  the  suppression  of  monasteries 
and  the  confiscation  of  gild  funds  devoted  to  religion  and  char- 
ity, pauperism  arose  for  the  first  time,  as  an  extreme  form  of 
destitution,  national  in  extent.  The  one  power  that  by  its 
very  teaching  and  influence,  as  exemplified  in  the  gilds  at  their 
perfection,  could  have  preserved  the  working  classes  from  the 
degradation  to  which  they  were  subjected,  was  set  aside.  Hence 
the  "  rapacious  usury  "  that  followed,  so  that,  as  Pope  Leo  XIII 

2  Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  XXVI. 

3  Ihid.,  Ch.  V, 

4  The  World  Problem,  Ch.  XXV. 

5  Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  XXIII. 


FALSE  SOCIAL  SYSTEMS  293 

described  the  conditions  existing  in  his  own  day :  "  A  small 
number  of  very  rich  men  have  been  able  to  lay  upon  the  teem- 
ing masses  of  the  laboring  poor  a  yoke  little  better  than  slavery 
itself."     ("  On  the  Condition  of  the  Working  Classes,"  1891.)  « 

7.  The  chief  aim  of  Christian  social  endeavor,  or  "  Chris- 
tian Democracy,"  is,  in  the  words  of  the  same  Pontiff:  "To 
make  the  condition  of  those  who  toil  more  tolerable;  to  enable 
them  to  obtain,  little  by  little,  those  means  by  which  they  may 
provide  for  the  future;  to  help  them  to  practise  in  public  and 
in  private  the  duties  which  morality  and  religion  inculcate; 
to  aid  them  to  feel  that  they  are  not  animals  but  men,  not 
heathens  but  Christians,  and  so  to  enable  them  to  strive  more 
zealously  and  eagerly  for  the  one  thing  which  is  necessary :  the 
ultimate  good  for  which  we  are  all  born  into  this  world." 
("  On  the  Condition  of  the  Working  Classes.")  What  doth  it 
profit  a  man  if  he  gain  the  whole  world  and  sujfer  the  loss 
of  his  own  soul.     (Matt,  xvi:  26.)  "^ 

I.       FALSE    SOCIAX,    SYSTEMS 

8.  Socialism  is  no  solution  for  the  evils  which  have  followed 
the  Reformation.  Far  from  satisfying  the  legitimate  desire  of 
the  worker  for  a  personal  share  in  productive  ownership,  it 
would  ultimately  deprive  all  alike  of  such  ownership,  subjecting 
the  laborer  hopelessly  to  a  bureaucratic  control,  both  tyrannical 
and  inefficient.  Socialism  is  more  or  less  complete  in  propor- 
tion as  it  aims  at  this  abolition  of  private  productive  owner- 
ship.^ 

9.  Individualistic  capitalism,  understood  as  a  system  in 
which  the  means  of  production  are  in  the  hands  of  a  few  men 
of  wealth,  inspired  merely  with  a  passion  for  the  utmost  gain 
and  unrestrained  by  due  legal  restrictions,  is  equally  perni- 
cious.^ 

olUd.,  Ch.  XXVII. 

T  The    World   Problem,    Ch.    XXV;    Democratic   Industry,    Ch.    XXVIII. 

8  TTie  World  Prohlem,  Ch.  Ill;  Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  IV. 

9  The  World  Prohlem,  Chs.  IV,  XXI. 


294  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 


n.       CHBISTIAJSr    DEMOCEAOT 

10.  The  Church  of  Christ  has  not  been  founded  to  teach  any 
particular  system  of  sociology  or  economics.  She  condemns 
whatever  is  morally  false  in  the  existing  practices  or  theories 
and  commends  whatever  form  of  social  order,  based  upon  the 
natural  law  and  the  Gospel,  wisely  answers  the  needs  of  any 
given  period.  She  is  not  for  any  single  generation,  but  for 
all  time,  while  economic  conditions  are  fluctuating  perpetually. ^° 

11.  Yet  it  is  the  duty  of  Christians,  particularly  at  the 
present  moment,  not  to  overlook  the  social  dangers  that  imperil 
civilization;  and  it  is  possible  for  them  to  build  up  on  her 
principles,  teachings  and  traditions  a  true  system  of  democratic 
industry  which  shall  answer  all  the  needs  of  their  day.  On 
no  other  foundation  can  a  sound  social  order  be  erected. 

12.  Equally  opposed  to  the  unnatural  abolition  of  private 
productive  ownership  under  Socialism,  and  to  its  restriction  to 
a  few  men  of  wealth  under  capitalism,  the  true  social  system 
advocates  instead  the  widest  diffusion  of  the  possession  of  pro- 
ductive as  well  as  of  consumptive  property,  that  as  many  as  pos- 
sible of  the  workers  can  hope,  by  just  means,  to  become  sharers 
in  it.  And  this  personally,  and  not  merely  in  the  name  of  a 
communistic  commonwealth.^^ 

13.  Such  possession  will  satisfy  the  aspirations  of  men,  lift 
them  above  the  position  of  wage-earners  only,  and  help  to  their 
full  and  harmonious  development,  insuring  the  stability  of  the 
new  social   order. ^^ 

14.  Such  was  the  consummation  most  closely  attained  when 
Catholic  gildhood  was  in  its  prime  and  the  influence  of  the 
Church  effective ;  when  the  apprentice  might  hope,  by  industry, 
skill  and  virtue,  to  become  a  master;  when  each  lived  for  all 
and  all  for  each.     Such  is  the  Catholic  ideal. ^^ 

10  The  World  Problem,  XVII;  Democratic  Industry,  V-VIII,  etc. 

11  The  World  Problem,  Ch.  XVIII ;  Democratic  Industry,  Chs,  I,  XIX,  etc. 

12  Democrats  Industry.  Chs.  XXIX,  XXX. 

13  lUd.,  Chs.  XVIII-XXII,  XXV. 


DEMOCRATIC  INDUSTRY:  295 


III.       DEIMOCKATIC    INDUSTRY 

15.  The  old  organizations  cannot  be  restored  as  they  were. 
But  it  is  possible,  in  the  words  of  Pius  X :  "To  adapt  them  to 
the  new  situation  created  by  the  material  evolution  of  con- 
temporary society  in  the  same  Christian  spirit  which  of  old 
inspired  them."^* 

16.  Such,  in  a  material  way,  are  the  cooperative  trade, 
credit  and  agricultural  societies  intended  for  self-help  and  to 
eliminate  a  wasteful  system  of  distribution.  Such  are  the 
attempts  at  cooperative  production,  where  the  entire  enter- 
prise is  owned  by  tlie  workers  who  alone  receive  both  wage  and 
profit,  and  where  each  worker  is  personal  owner  of  shares  and 
participates,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  the  management.^'* 

17.  Such,  too,  though  less  completely,  are  the  various  plans 
in  which  the  workers  own  a  considerable  part  of  the  voting 
stock.  And  such  in  fine,  to  a  greater  or  less  degree,  are  all 
copartnership  arrangements  by  which  the  workers  share  in  the 
corporate  stock  and  reasonably  participate  in  the  industrial 
management :  the  regulation,  through  their  shop  gilds,  of  hours, 
wages,  discipline,  processes  of  production,  etc.^^ 

18.  Since  every  business  is  constituted  of  money-capital  and 
labor-capital,  it  is  unreasonable  that  the  former  alone,  as  under 
capitalism,  should  have  the  entire  power  of  control  and  the  lat- 
ter be  subjected  to  a  state  of  complete  dependence.  Men  are 
more  than  money,  and  persons  more  precious  than  machinery. ^''^ 

19.  But  for  the  lasting  success  of  any  economic  plans,  reli- 
gion is  essential.  The  gilds  were  able  to  maintain  their  spirit 
of  democratic  industry  in  proportion  only  to  their  religious 

i^Ihid.,  Ch.  XXVIII. 

15  The  World  Problem,  Chs.  XIX,  XX;  Democratic  Industry,  Chs.  XXIX, 
XXX. 

isy^.e  World  Problem,  Ch.  XIX;  Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  XVIII. 
American  Bishops'  Social  Reconstruction:  As  early  as  1914  the  Irish 
Bishops  wrote:  "The  difficulty  of  conducting  successfully  a  commercial 
undertaking  in  the  management  of  which  the  workers  would  have  a  voice, 
may,  in  most  cases,  be  too  much  at  present.  But  it  looks  as  if  the  indus- 
trial world  were  at  a  stage  of  transition  when  such  things  are  likely  to 
be." —  The  Labor  Question. 

17  Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  XVIII,  etc. 


296  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

zeal.     Witli  this  they  waxed  or  waned.     Without  certain  dis- 
aster, religion  can  never  be  dissociated  from  economics.^* 


IV.       THE    PUBLIC    GOOD 

20.  While  keeping  clearly  in  sight  this  vision  of  the  true 
city,  which  is  to  be  constructed  after  no  merely  speculative 
model,  we  must  not  forget  the  intermediate  measures  that  are 
not,  however,  to  be  confounded  with  the  ultimate  goal. 

21.  Adequate  government  regulation  should  prevent  the  ac- 
cumulation of  excessive  gains  in  the  hands  of  a  few,  the  monopo- 
listic control  of  commodities,  and  the  abuses  that  may  arise  in 
such  public  service  monopolies  as  are  under  j)rivate  operation.^* 

22.  Monopolies  or  combines  are  guilty  of  injustice  when 
in  the  articles  of  common  use  they  exceed  the  highest  prices 
that  would  obtain  in  the  market  were  it  freely  open  to  compe- 
tition, presuming  in  each  instance  the  previous  payment  of  a 
just  wage.  They  may  offend  against  charity  by  not  lowering 
this  price  as  well  when  notable  hardship  is  inflicted  upon  the 
poor.  All  "  cornering  "  must  be  prevented  absolutely  and  all 
unfair  business  methods. ^^ 

23.  State  ownership  should  not  be  introduced  where  State 
control  suffices.  The  farther  an  industry  is  removed  from  a 
public  service  utility  or  a  natural  monopoly,  the  greater  the 
presumption  in  favor  of  private  ownership,  cooperative  or  other' 
wise.^^ 

24.  Since  it  is  the  duty  of  the  State  to  see  that  natural  re- 
sources are  turned  to  good  account  for  the  support  and  welfare 
of  all  the  people,  "  the  State  or  municipality  should  acquire,  al- 
ways for  compensation,  those  agencies  of  production,  and  those 
agencies  only,  in  which  the  public  interest  demands  that  public 
property  rather  than  private  ownership  should  exist."  (Irish 
Bishops,   19 14.)  22 

25.  Unjust  restrictions  should  not  be  placed  on  those,  who 

18  Ibid.,  Chs.  XIV,  XXVII. 
19 /bid.,  Ch.  XII. 

20  The  World  Problem,  Chs.  V,  VI. 

21  Ibid.,  Ch.  XVIII. 

22  Ibid.,  Chs.   Ill,  XXI. 


LABOR  MEASURES  297 

to  the  general  benefit  are  acquiring  legitimate  prosperity  under 
private  enterprise.^^ 

26.  Taxation  should  hear  most  upon  those  who  are  able  to 
contribute  most  to  the  common  good,  but  should  not  be  made 
a  means  of  confiscation.  Special  protection  should  be  given  to 
the  small  share-holder  and  a  wider  diffusion  of  shares  made  pos- 
sible, within  the  limits  of  justice.  The  words  of  Pope  Leo 
XIII  must  be  borne  in  mind :  "  The  right  to  possess  private 
property  is  derived  from  nature,  not  from  man ;  and  the  State 
has  the  right  to  control  its  use  in  the  interest  of  the  public  good, 
but  by  no  means  to  absorb  it  altogether.  The  State  would 
therefore  be  unjust  and  cruel  if  under  the  name  of  taxation  it 
were  to  deprive  the  private  owner  of  more  than  is  fitting." 
("  On  the  Condition  of  the  Working  Classes.")  ^* 


V.       LABOB    MEASURES 

27.  Until  a  larger  social  justice  reigns,  minimum  wage  laws 
must  enable  every  male  worker  to  support  a  family  in  Chris- 
tian decency.  Every  adult  woman  worker  must  be  enabled  to 
live  respectably  by  her  earnings  alone.  Enough  should  grad- 
ually be  paid  to  make  it  possible  for  every  worker  to  provide 
for  the  future  out  of  his  or  her  own  wages,  without  need  of 
State  insurance.  In  this  way  only  can  industry  be  said  to  be 
properly  supporting  those  engaged  in  it.^^ 

28.  As  exceptional  business  enterprise  and  efficiency,  di- 
rected towards  the  greater  common  good,  is  entitled  to  an  ex- 
ceptional reward,  so  labor  also  should  be  remunerated  in  pro- 
portion to  its  contribution  to  industry. 

29.  By  workers  we  understand  all  engaged  in  mental  as 
well  as  in  manual  occupations,  in  the  service  of  distribution  or 
production,  from  manager  to  messenger,  although  the  need  of 
State  protection  for  the  former  may  be  insignificant. 

30.  As  the  State  must  come  to  the  aid  of  the  consumer  in 
as  far  as  the  general  welfare  requires,  so  too  it  must  safeguard 

23  Ibid.,  Ch.  XVIII. 

zilbid.,  Ch.  XXI. 

25  The  World  Problem,  Ch.  IX. 


298  CHUE.CH  AND  LABOR 

labor's  rights :  religious,  moral,  physical  and  economic.  In  like 
manner  the  rights  of  every  class  must  be  duly  protected  by  it  to 
whatever  extent  the  common  good,  demands.^'' 

31.  The  duty  of  labor  is  to  give  a  fair  day's  work,  as  the 
duty  of  the  employer  is  to  provide  a  fair  wage  and  proper  work- 
ing conditions,  from  a  religious  and  moral,  as  well  as  from  a 
material  and  sanitary  point  of  view.  Wages  as  well  as  pro- 
fits should  be  kept  within  the  limits  of  the  public  good.^"^ 

32.  Strikes  are  permitted  for  a  grave  and  just  cause,  when 
there  is  hope  of  success  and  no  other  satisfactory  solution  can 
be  found,  when  justice  and  charity  are  preserved,  and  the  rights 
of  the  public  duly  respected.  Yet  conciliation,  arbitration  and 
trade  agreements  are  the  natural  means  to  be  suggested  in  their 
stead.  Hence  the  utility  of  public  boards  for  this  purpose.  As 
in  the  strike,  so  in  the  lock-out,  a  serious  and  just  cause  is  re- 
quired, and  the  rights  of  the  workers  and  of  the  public  must 
be  respected.  Charity  is  far  more  readily  violated  in  the  lock- 
out than  in  the  strike,  because  of  the  greater  suffering  likely 
to  be  inflicted  on  the  laborer  deprived  of  his  work  than  on  the 
employer.  ^^ 

33.  Justification  of  the  sympathetic  strike  will  rarely  be 
found,  while  the  presumption  is  overwhelmingly  against  the 
general  sympathetic  strike. ^^  Blacklists  on  the  part  of  em- 
ployers that  permanently  exclude  from  his  trade  a  worker  dis- 
pleasing to  them,  who  honestly  seeks  employment,  are  opposed 
to  the  first  principles  of  justice. 

34.  The  problem  of  unemployment  should  be  met  by  a 
permanent  national  emplo^nnent  service,  acting  with  the  co- 
operation of  municipal  and  private  bureaus.  Methods  of  pre- 
venting or  meeting  the  crises  of  unemployment  should  be  care- 
fully studied.  Governments  have  a  serious  duty  to  obviate  this 
evil,  and  provide  for  the  unemployed  according  to  their  neces- 
sitv.^° 

35.  Hours  of  labor  should  be  neither  unreasonably  long  nor 
unreasonably  short.     Sunday  labor  should  be  prohibited,  ex- 

26 /bid.,  Ch.  \ail. 

27  Ibid.,  Ch.  X. 

28/6iU,  Ch.  XL 

29  Ibid.,  Ch.  XII. 

so  Ibid.,  Chs.  XIII,  XrV. 


LxiBOR  MEA8UEES  299 

cept  in  CKses  of  real  necessity,  such  as  is  too  often  merely  pre- 
sumed to  exist.^^ 

36.  Until  labor  can  properly  provide  for  itself,  the  State 
should  interest  itself  in  housing  conditions,  particularly  where 
there  is  danger  to  morals  and  religion  as  well  as  to  the  physical 
well-being  of  the  worker  and  of  his  family.  Health  inspection 
in  the  school  and  municipal  clinics  for  the  poor  are  recom- 
mended.^^ 

37.  Vocational  training  is  desirable,  without  neglecting  the 
cultural  and  religious  education  of  our  children.  "  A  healthy 
democracy  cannot  tolerate  a  purely  industrial  or  trade  educa- 
tion for  any  class  of  its  citizens."  Further,  "  the  opportunities 
of  the  system  should  be  extended  to  all  qualified  private  schools 
on  exactly  the  same  basis  as  to  the  public  schools.  We  want 
neither  class  divisions  in  education  nor  a  State  monopoly  of 
education."      (American  Bishops'  "  Social  Reconstruction.")  ^^ 

38.  So  long  as  proper  wages  are  not  accorded,  social  insur- 
ance is  to  be  favored  to  whatever  extent  may  be  necessary  to  safe- 
guard the  laborer  in  sickness,  accident,  invalidity  and  old  age. 
It  must  be  clearly  understood,  however,  that  there  is  question 
of  a  temporary  substitute  only  for  an  adequate  wage,  which  will 
enable  the  worker  to  carry  his  own  insurance  and  not  to  be  a 
mere  ward  of  the  State.  The  dignity  of  labor  must  be  pro- 
tected from  communistic  paternalism  as  well  as  from  capitalistic 
abuses.'^ 

39.  An  intelligent  penal  system  will  make  it  possible  for 
dependents  to  live  upon  the  earnings  of  the  imprisoned  wage- 
earner.  It  may  also  enable  the  prisoner  to  lay  aside  something 
for  future  rehabilitation.^^ 

40.  The  right  of  labor  organization  is  no  longer  in  question 
and  never  should  have  been.  The  worker  should  see  that  Chris- 
tian principles  are  maintained  within  his  union  and  not  per- 
mit it,  through  his  own  carelessness,  to  be  made  the  helpless 
tool   of   extremists.^* 

3i/?)id.,  Ch.  VIII;   Democratic  Industry,  Chs.  XIX,  XX. 

3«  The  World  Problem,  Ch.  II. 

"is  Democratic  Industry.  Ch.  XXI. 

i*The  World  ProUem,  Ch.  XVTT;  Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  IV. 

1    The  World  Problem,  Ch.  XVII. 

i'  Ibid.,  Ch.  XVI;   Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  III. 


300  CHURCH  AND  LABOR 

41.  It  is  therefore  of  the  highest  importance  that  Christian 
social  education  through  organization  and  literature,  be  extended 
to  every  single  one  of  our  own  labor  unionists.  Hence  also  the 
imperative  need  of  Christian  schools  of  sociology  for  the  training 
of  Christian  social  leaders. ^^ 


VI.       WOMAX    LABOE 

42.  Exploitation  of  woman  and  child  labor  is  to  be  strictly 
abolished,  as  well  as  every  other  form  of  sweating.  ^^ 

43.  While  woman  in  industry  is  to  receive  a  minimum  wage 
sufficient  for  her  own  support,  it  is  reasonable  that  she  should 
moreover  be  paid  according  to  her  service.  This  will  imply 
an  equal  wage  with  man  for  work  equal  in  quantity  and  quality, 
when  engaged  at  the  same  task  with  him.^^ 

44.  If  wife  and  mother  are  no  longer  driven  to  the  fac- 
tory, owing  to  the  husband's  inadequate  wage,  and  child  labor 
is  ended,  there  will  be  work  for  the  fathers  of  families  as  well 
as  for  all  men  and  women  who  m.ust  provide  their  own  sup- 
port. So  too  a  widowed  mother's  pension,  to  be  paid  as  far  as 
necessary,  will  keep  both  mother  and  children  in  the  home.*° 

45.  "  Woman,"  says  Leo  XIII,  "  is  by  nature  fitted  for 
home-work,  and  it  is  this  which  is  best  adapted  to  her  modesty 
and  to  promote  the  good  up-bringing  of  children  and  the  well- 
being  of  the  family."  ("  On  the  Condition  of  the  Working 
Classes.")  "  The  proportion  of  women  in  industry  ought  to 
be  kept  within  the  smallest  practical  limits."  (American 
Bishops'  "  Social  Reconstruction.")  They  should  not  be 
placed  at  occupations  unfit,  or  morally  and  physically  danger- 
ous: it  is  the  duty  of  the  State  to  ensure  this  right  for  them 
and  to  secure  for  them  reasonable  'hours,  sanitary  conditions, 
abolition  of  night  work,  and  the  removal  of  all  circumstances  in- 
jurious to  sex  and  maternity.^  ^ 

9T  The  World  Prollem,  Chs.  XVT.  XXV. 

88  ihtd..  Chs.  XXII.  XXIII,  XXIV. 

89  Ihid.,  Ch.  XXIII. 

40  Thid.,  Ch.  X\ai. 

41  Ihid.,  Ch.  XXIV. 


CAUSES  OF  SOCIAL  DISASTER      301 

VII.       FABM    LABOE 

46.  Every  just  encouragement  is  to  be  given  to  promote  ,' 
farm  labor  and  the  development  of  a  large  class  of  small  farm  i 
owners.^  ^ 

47.  Cooperative  buying,  selling  and  credit  associations,  and 
cooperative  production  are  here  to  be  particularly  recommended 
as  thoroughly  approved  by  experience.  All  abuses  in  trans- 
portation, working  equal  hardship  on  the  producer  and  con- 
sumer, must  be  removed,  and  produce  brought  to  the  market 
with  the  least  intervention  of  middlemen.'*^ 

48.  Government  loans  should  be  made,  where  needed,  to  en- 
able men  to  settle  upon  the  land,  either  as  o"vvners  or  as  tenants 
with  long-time  leases.  "  It  is  essential  that  both  the  work  of 
preparation  and  the  subsequent  settlement  of  the  land  should 
be  eflFected  by  groups  or  colonies,  not  by  men  living  indepen- 
dently of  one  another  and  in  depressing  isolation."  (American 
Bishops'  "  Social  Reconstruction.")  Attention  should  be 
given  in  particular  to  the  facilities  of  regularly  fulfilling  reli- 
gious duties.  The  problem  of  the  farm  laborer,  too,  is  to  be 
carefully  studied.'*^ 

49.  The  principle  of  land  nationalization  is  to  be  strongly 
condemned  as  unnatural,  economically  ruinous  and  imdemo- 
cratic.  The  rights  of  the  tiller  to  his  soil  must  be  held  sacred. 
Keeping  inviolate  all  just  property  rights,  the  laborer  should 
"  be  encouraged  to  look  forward  to  obtaining  a  share  in  the 
land."  (Leo  XIII,  "On  the  Condition  of  the  Working 
Classes.")  '^ 


VIII.       CAUSES    or    SOClAI.    DISASTER 

50.  The  roots  of  the  social  problem  penetrate  deep.  The 
evils  of  impurity,  birth  control  and  divorce  corrupt  the  individ- 
ual, the  home  and  society.     With  these  are  associated  the  in- 

*2  Ibid.,  Ch.  XV;  Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  VIII. 

43  The  World  Problem,  Chs,  XIX,  XX,  VII ;  Democratic  Industry,  Ch. 
XIII. 

4*  The  World  Problem,  Ch.  XV. 
*5/6td.,  Ch.  XVIII. 


302  CHUECH  AND  LABOR 

ordinate  craving  after  pleasure,  the  shirking  of  diit}',  and  the 
wide-spread  wastefulness  and  excess  of  all  classes,  together  with 
a  desire  for  the  utmost  gain,  regardless  of  the  common  good.^^ 

51.  These  evils,  which  naturally  flow  from  a  rejection  of 
religion,  are  most  intimately  connected  with  all  our  economic 
and  social  disorders,  whose  last  cause  is  godlessness.^^ 

52.  Finally,  there  is  the  doctrine  that  would  make  of  the 
State  a  fetish  to  which  all  human  rights,  whether  of  the  family 
or  of  the  individual,  are  to  be  relentlessly  sacrificed.  Hence 
follow  State  autocracy,  bureaucracy,  Socialism  and  all  the  end- 
less forms  of  State  paternalism  that  threaten  to  submerge 
democracy.'*^ 


IX.       FIRST    PRINCIPLES 

53.  The  sacredness  of  all  human  life  must  be  recognized, 
and  the  duty  of  conforming  it  to  the  Will  of  God. 

54.  The  purity  of  family  life  must  be  restored,  and  the 
family,  as  the  unit  of  society,  must  bravely  assume  its  duties 
and  responsibilities  in  a  true  Christian  spirit.  The  future  be- 
longs to  those  who  safeguard  the  home. 

55.  The  pagan  theory  that  the  individual  exists  for  the  State 
and  not  the  State  for  the  individual,  must  be  absolutely  re- 
jected. 

56.  Secularization  of  education  must  be  opposed  as  the 
greatest  danger  to  modern  society,  together  with  all  over-cen- 
tralization and  undue  State  interference,  as  tending  to  estab- 
lish the  most  pernicious  of  all  autocracies.  To  the  parent  alone, 
and  not  to  the  State,  belongs,  of  itself  and  directly,  the  re- 
sponsibility for  the  upbringing  of  the  child. 

57.  The  safeguarding  of  the  just  rights  of  Christianity, 
on  which  the  future  of  civilization  depends,  is  not  possible  with- 
out the  development  of  a  strong,  alert,  loyal  and  intelligent 
Christian  press.  The  support  and  furtherance  of  this  is  a  first 
duty.     The  law,  on  the  other  hand,  should  be  made  to  prevent 

i^The  World  Problem,  Chs.  II,  XI;  Democratic  Industry,  Ch.  IX. 
47  The  World  Problem,  Ch.  XIV.     See  in  particular  the  present  author's 
volume:     Evolution  and  Social  Progress. 

4S  Democratic  Industry,  Chs,  I,  IV,  XXVI,  XXIX,  etc. 


CONCLUSION  303 

the  publication  of  imtrue  statements  and  reports,  and  protect 
from  slander  all,  whether  individually  or  collectively. 

58.  The  success  of  Christian  Democracy,  which  is  purely 
social  and  not  political,  will  finally  depend  upon  the  utmost  or- 
ganization and  concentration  of  eifort.  Nor  should  Catholics 
neglect  the  full  use  of  their  political  rights  in  the  measure  in 
which  they  are  granted  to  every  citizen,  since  by  reason  of  their 
Divine  Faith  they  *'  may  prove  themselves  capable,  as  much  as, 
and  even  more  than  others,  of  cooperating  in  the  material  and 
civil  well-being  of  the  people,  thus  acquiring  that  authority  and 
respect  which  may  make  it  even  possible  for  them  to  defend 
and  promote  a  higher  good,  namely,  that  of  the  soul."  (Pius 
X,  "  Christian  Social  Action.") 


CONCLUSION 

59.  Besides  the  rules  of  social  justice,  the  laws  of  Chris- 
tian charity  should  bind  together  employer  and  employees,  and 
all  classes  and  ranks,  into  one  Christian  brotherhood.  To  ac- 
complish this  in  its  perfection,  nothing  can  be  of  greater  im- 
portance than  that  all  should  heed  again  the  voice  of  that  Mother 
from  whom  the  nations  have  wandered,  who  begot  them  in  the 
unity  of  a  great  Christendom  in  the  ages  of  Catholic  Faith. 
Her  teachings  are  the  same  now  as  they  were  in  the  days  of 
the  Apostles,  and  as  they  will  remain  to  the  end  of  time,  yet  al- 
ways perfectly  adapted  to  every  changing  period  of  history. 
For  the  promise  of  Christ  to  her  can  never  be  made  void :  "  Be- 
hold I  am  with  you  all  days,  even  to  the  consummation  of  the 
world."     (Matt,  xxviii:  20.)  ^^ 

60.  Hence  she  alone  can  never  possibly  mislead  mankind, 
and  there  can  be  no  surer  hope  for  true  and  lasting  reconstruc- 
tion than  the  return  of  all  to  her,  the  one  and  only  apostolic 
Church,  the  Church  of  our  fathers. 

49  The  World  Problem,  Ch.  XXV. 


BKIEF  LIST  OF  BOOKS  BY  CATHOLIC  AUTHOES 
0:^-  ECONOMIC  QUESTIONS 

The  Social  Value  of  the  Gospel;  by  L.  Garrignet.  Herder. 
The  Pope  and  the  People;  Catholic  Truth  Society.  (This  book  con- 
tains the  encyclicals  of  Pope  Leo  on  Labor,  etc.) 
A  Living  Wage;  by  John  A.  Kyan,  D.D,  Macmillan,  1920. 
Distributive  Justice;  by  John  A.  Kyan,  D.D.  Macmillan. 
Social  Keconstruction ;  by  John  A.  Kyan,  D.D.  Macmillan. 
The  World  Problem :  Capital,  Labor,  and  the  Church;  by  Joseph  Huss- 

lein,  S.J.,  Ph.D.     Kenedy. 
Democratic  Industry;  by  Joseph  Husslein,  S.J.,  Ph.D.     Kenedy. 
Evolution   and    Social   Progress;   by   Joseph   Husslein,    S.J.,   Ph.D. 

Kenedj'. 
Elements  of  Social  and  Political  Economy;  by  Dardano.     Translated 

by  Kev.  W.  McLaughlin.     Gill,  Dublin. 
Primer  of  Social  Science;  by  Msgr.  Parkinson.    Devin- Adair  Co. 
Private  Ownership;  by  Kev.  J.  Kelleher.     Gill,  Dublin. 
Introduction  to  Economics;  by  Frank  O'Hara.     Macmillan. 
Political  Economy ;  by  C.  S.  Devas.     Longmans  &  Co. 
Primer  of  Political  Economy  in  Catechism  Form ;  by  Rev.  Dr.  Joseph 

Och. 
Mediaeval  Socialism;  by  Bede  Jarret,  O.P.     People's  Books. 
St.  Antonino  and  Mediaeval  Economics;  by  Bede  Jarret,  O.P.     Herder, 

St.  Louis. 
Consumers  and  Wage  Earners;  by  J.  Elliot  Koss.     Devin- Adair  Co. 
The  Theistic  Ideal  and  the  Distributive  State ;  by  Kev.  Patrick  Casey. 

Diedrich-Schaefer,   Milwaukee. 
The  Church  and  Socialism ;  by  John  A.  Kyan,  D.D.     University  Press, 

Washington 
Catholic  Ideals  in  Social  Life;  by  Fr.   Cuthbert,   O.S.F.C.    Art  & 

Book  Co. 
Alleged  Socialism  of  the  Church  Fathers;  by  John  A.  Ryan,  D.D. 

Herder,  St.  Louis. 
Socialism;  by  V.  Cathrein,  S.J.     Benziger  Bros. 
Socialism:     Promise  or  Menace?;  by  Hilquit-Kyan.     MacmiUan. 
The  Fundamental  Fallacy  of  Socialism;  by  Arthur  Preuss.     Herder, 

St.  Louis. 
The  Articles  in  the  Catholic  Encyclopedia  on  Property,  Collectivism, 

Communism,  Socialism,  Syndicalism,  Monopoly,  Interest,  Usury, 

Speculation,  Compensation,  Labor  Unions,  and  Boycott. 
Cours  d'Economie  Sociale;  by  Rev.  C.  Antoine,  S.J.     Paris. 

304 


BOOKS  ON  ECONOMIC  QUESTIONS  305 

Lehrbuch  der  Nationaloekonomie ;  by  Rev.  H,  Pesch,  S.J.     Leipzig. 
Regime  de  la  Propriete;  by  L.  Garriguet.     Bloud,  Paris. 
Regime  du  Travail;  by  L.  Garriguet.     Bloud,  Paris. 
Die  Soziale  Frage;  by  Joseph  Biederlack,  S.J.     Herder. 

PAMPHLETS 

The  Condition  of  Labor;  by  Pope  Leo  XIII.     International  Catholic 

Truth  Society,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
General  Principles  of  Social  Reform;  by  Dr.  C.  Bruehl.     The  Cath- 
olic Truth  Society. 
The  Catholic  Doctrine  of  Property;  by  Rev.  J.  B.  McLaughlin,  O.S.B. 

The  Catholic  Truth  Society,   London. 
The  Social  Action  Series.     The  Catholic  Truth  Society. 
English  Economists  and  Catholic  Ethics  by  Rev.  M.  Maher.     The 

Catholic  Truth  Society  and  The  Catholic  Mind,  America  Press. 
Social  Reform  by  Legislation;  by  John  A.  Ryan,  D.D.     The  Paulist 

Press,  New  York  City. 
Pamphlets  of  the  English  Catholic  Social  Guild.     Herder,  St.  Louis. 
Pamphlets   of   the   National    Catholic   War   Council   and    especially, 

"  Social  Reconstruction,"  Washington,  D,  C. 
Pamphlets  of  the  National  Catholic  Welfare  Council,  Washington, 

D.  C. 


EVOLUTION  AND  SOCIAL  PROGRESS 
By  Joseph  Husslein,  S.J.,  Ph.D. 

P.  J.  KENEDY  &  SONS 
44  Babclay  Street  Nev;^  York  City,  N.  Y. 


THE  END 


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